Vietnam War
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The Viet Cong, a lightly-armed South Vietnamese communist-controlled common front, largely fought a guerrilla war against anti-communist forces in the region. The North Vietnamese Army engaged in a more conventional war, at times committing large units into battle. U.S. and South Vietnamese forces relied on air superiority and overwhelming firepower to conduct search and destroy operations, involving ground forces, artillery and airstrikes.
The United States government viewed involvement in the war as a way to prevent a communist takeover of South Vietnam and part of their wider strategy of containment. The North Vietnamese government viewed the war as a colonial war, fought initially against France, backed by the United States, and later against South Vietnam, which it regarded as a US puppet state.[21] United States military advisors arrived beginning in 1950. U.S. involvement escalated in the early 1960s, with U.S. troop levels tripling in 1961 and tripling again in 1962.[22] U.S. combat units were deployed beginning in 1965. Operations spanned borders, with Laos and Cambodia heavily bombed. Involvement peaked in 1968 at the time of the Tet Offensive. After this, U.S. ground forces were withdrawn as part of a policy called Vietnamization. Despite the Paris Peace Accords, signed by all parties in January 1973, fighting continued.
The Case–Church Amendment passed by the U.S. Congress prohibited use of American military after 15 August 1973, unless the president secured congressional approval in advance.[23] The capture of Saigon by the North Vietnamese army in April 1975 marked the end of the Vietnam War. North and South Vietnam were reunified the following year.
The war exacted a huge human cost in terms of fatalities (See: Vietnam War casualties), including 3 to 4 million Vietnamese from both sides, between 1.5 to 2 million Laotians and Cambodians, and 58,159 U.S. soldiers.[24]
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Etymology
As there have been so many conflicts in Indochina, this conflict is known by the name of their chief opponent to distinguish it from the others.[25] Thus, in Vietnamese, the war is known as Chiến tranh Việt Nam (The Vietnam War), or as Kháng chiến chống Mỹ (Resistance War Against America), loosely translated as the American War.[26]
The main military organizations involved in the war were, on one side, the Army of the Republic of Vietnam (ARVN) and the U.S. military, and, on the other side, the Vietnam People's Army (VPA), or North Vietnamese Army (NVA), and the Viet Cong, or National Front for the Liberation of South Vietnam (NLF), a South Vietnamese communist army.
Background to 1949
During World War II, the French were defeated by the Germans in 1940. For French Indochina, this meant that the colonial authorities became Vichy French, allies of the German-Italian Axis powers. In turn this meant that the French collaborated with the Japanese forces after their invasion of French Indochina during 1940. The French continued to run affairs in the colony, but ultimate power resided in the hands of the Japanese.[31]
On May 1941, the Việt Minh was founded as a league for the independence from France. The Việt Minh also opposed Japanese occupation in 1945 for the same reason. The United States and Chinese national party supported them to weaken Japanese influence over Vietnam. However, they did not have enough power to fight actual battles at first. Ho Chi Minh was suspected of being a communist and jailed for a year by the Chinese national party.[33]
Double occupation by France and Japan continued until the German forces were expelled from France and the French Indochina colonial authorities started holding secret talks with the Free French. Fearing that they could no longer trust the French authorities the Japanese army interned them all on 9 March 1945 and assumed direct control themselves[34] through their puppet state of the Empire of Vietnam under Bảo Đại.
During 1944–1945, a deep famine struck northern Vietnam due to a combination of poor weather and French/Japanese exploitation. 1 million people died of starvation (out of a population of 10 million in the affected area).[35] Exploiting the administrative gap[36] that the internment of the French had created, the Viet Minh in March 1945 urged the population to ransack rice warehouses and refuse to pay their taxes. [37] Between 75 and 100 warehouses were consequently raided.[38] This rebellion against the effects of the famine and the authorities that were partially responsible for it bolstered the Viet Minh's popularity and they recruited many members during this period.[36]
In August 1945, the Japanese had been defeated and surrendered unconditionally. In French Indochina this created a power vacuum as the French were still interned and the Japanese forces stood down.[38] Into this vacuum, the Viet Minh entered and grasped power across Vietnam in the "August Revolution"[38] (in large part supported by the Vietnamese population).[39] After their defeat in the war, the Japanese Army gave weapons to the Vietnamese. To further help the nationalists, the Japanese kept Vichy French officials and military officers imprisoned for a month after the surrender. The Việt Minh had recruited more than 600 Japanese soldiers and given them roles to train or command Vietnamese soldiers.[40][41]
On 2 September 1945, Ho Chi Minh, the leader of the Viet Minh, declared the independent Democratic Republic of Vietnam before a crowd of 500,000 in Hanoi.[38] In an overture to the Americans, he began his speech by paraphrasing the United States Declaration of Independence: All men are created equal. The Creator has given us certain inviolable Rights: the right to Life, the right to be Free, and the right to achieve Happiness.[38]
However, the major allied victors of World War II, the United Kingdom, the United States and the Soviet Union, all agreed that the area belonged to the French.[38] As the French did not have the ships, weapons or soldiers to immediately retake Vietnam, the major powers came to an agreement that British troops would occupy the south while Nationalist Chinese forces would move in from the north.[38] When the British landed they rearmed the interned French forces as well as parts of the surrendered Japanese forces to aid them in retaking southern Vietnam as they did not have enough troops to do this themselves.[38]
Following the party line from Moscow, Ho Chi Minh initially attempted to negotiate with the French who were slowly re-establishing their control across the country.[42] In January 1946, the Viet Minh won elections across central and northern Vietnam[43] and began killing off opposition politicians. The French landed in Hanoi by March 1946 and in November of that year they ousted the Viet Minh from the city.[44] Soon thereafter the Viet Minh began a guerrilla war against the French Union forces, beginning the First Indochina War.
The war spread to Laos and Cambodia where Communists organized the Pathet Lao and the Khmer Serei after the model of the Viet Minh.[45] Globally, the Cold War began in earnest, which meant that the rapprochement that existed between the Western powers and the Soviet Union during World War II disintegrated. The Viet Minh fight was hampered by a lack of weapons; this situation changed by 1949 when the Chinese Communists had largely won the Chinese Civil War and were free to provide arms to their Vietnamese allies.[45]
Exit of the French, 1950–1954
PRC military advisors began assisting the Viet Minh in July 1950.[48] PRC weapons, expertise, and laborers transformed the Viet Minh from a guerrilla force into a regular army.[49] In September 1950, the United States created a Military Assistance and Advisory Group (MAAG) to screen French requests for aid, advise on strategy, and train Vietnamese soldiers.[50] By 1954, the United States had supplied 300,000 small arms and spent US$1 billion in support of the French military effort and was shouldering 80 percent of the cost of the war.[51]
There were also talks between the French and Americans in which the possible use of three tactical nuclear weapons was considered, though how seriously this was considered and by whom are even now vague and contradictory.[52][53] One version of plan for the proposed Operation Vulture envisioned sending 60 B-29s from U.S. bases in the region, supported by as many as 150 fighters launched from U.S. Seventh Fleet carriers, to bomb Viet Minh commander Vo Nguyen Giap's positions. The plan included an option to use up to three atomic weapons on the Viet Minh positions. Admiral Arthur W. Radford, Chairman of the U.S. Joint Chiefs of Staff, gave this nuclear option his backing. U.S. B-29s, B-36s, and B-47s could have executed a nuclear strike, as could carrier aircraft from the Seventh Fleet.[54]
U.S. carriers sailed to the Gulf of Tonkin, and reconnaissance flights over Dien Bien Phu were conducted during the negotiations. According to Richard Nixon the plan involved the Joint Chiefs of Staff drawing up plans to use 3 small tactical nuclear weapons in support of the French.[52] Vice president Richard Nixon, a so-called "hawk" on Vietnam, suggested that the United States might have to "put American boys in".[55] President Eisenhower made American participation contingent on British support, but London was opposed.[55] In the end, convinced that the political risks outweighed the possible benefits, Eisenhower decided against the intervention.[56]
The Viet Minh received crucial support from the Soviet Union and PRC. PRC support in the Border Campaign of 1950 allowed supplies to come from PRC into Vietnam. Throughout the conflict, U.S. intelligence estimates remained skeptical of French chances of success.[57]
The Battle of Dien Bien Phu marked the end of French involvement in Indochina. The Viet Minh and their mercurial commander Vo Nguyen Giap handed the French a stunning military defeat, and on 7 May 1954, the French Union garrison surrendered. At the Geneva Conference the French negotiated a ceasefire agreement with the Viet Minh. Independence was granted to Cambodia, Laos, and Vietnam.
Transition period
In addition to the Catholics flowing south, up to 130,000 ‘Revolutionary Regroupees’, went north for "regroupment" expecting to return to the South within 2 years.[64] The Viet Minh left roughly 5,000 to 10,000 cadres in South Vietnam as a "politico-military substructure within the object of its irredentism."[65] The last French soldiers were to leave Vietnam in April 1956.[49] The PRC completed their withdrawal from North Vietnam at around the same time.[48] Around 52,000 Vietnamese civilians moved from south to north.[66]
In the north, the Viet Minh ruled as the DRV and engaged in a drastic land reform program in which an estimated eight thousand perceived "class enemies" were executed.[67] In 1956 the Communist Party leaders of Hanoi admitted to "excesses" in implementing this program and restored a large amount of the land to the original owners.[68]
In the south, former Emperor Bảo Đại's State of Vietnam operated, with Ngô Đình Diệm (appointed in July 1954) as his prime minister. In June 1955, Diem announced that elections would not be held. South Vietnam had rejected the agreement from the beginning and was therefore not bound by it, he said. "How can we expect 'free elections' to be held in the Communist North?" Diem asked. President Dwight D. Eisenhower echoed senior U.S. experts[69] when he wrote that, in 1954, "80 per cent of the population would have voted for the Communist Ho Chi Minh" over Emperor Bảo Đại.[70][71]
In April–June 1955, Diem (against U.S. advice) cleared the decks of any political opposition in the south by launching military operations against the Cao Dai religious sect, the Hoa Hao sect of Ba Cut, and the Binh Xuyen organized crime group (which was allied with members of the secret police and some military elements). As broad-based opposition to his harsh tactics mounted, Diem increasingly sought to blame the communists.[72]
In a referendum on the future of the State of Vietnam on 23 October, Diem rigged the poll supervised by his brother Ngo Dinh Nhu and was credited with 98.2 percent of the vote, including 133% in Saigon. His American advisers had recommended a more modest winning margin of "60 to 70 percent." Diem, however, viewed the election as a test of authority.[73] On 26 October 1955, Diem declared the new Republic of Vietnam (ROV), with himself as president.[74] The ROV was created largely because of the Eisenhower administration's desire for an anti-communist state in the region.[72]
Diem era, 1955–1963
Rule
A devout Roman Catholic, Diem was fervently anti-communist, nationalist and socially conservative. Historian Luu Doan Huynh notes, however, that "Diem represented narrow and extremist nationalism coupled with autocracy and nepotism."[77] As a wealthy Catholic, Diem was viewed by many ordinary Vietnamese as part of the elite who had helped the French rule Vietnam; Diem had been interior minister in the colonial government. The majority of Vietnamese people were Buddhist, and were alarmed by actions such as his dedication of the country to the Virgin Mary.Beginning in the summer of 1955, he launched the "Denounce the Communists" campaign, during which communists and other anti-government elements were arrested, imprisoned, tortured, or executed. Diem instituted a policy of death penalty against any activity deemed communist in August 1956.[78] Opponents were labeled Viet Cong ("Vietnamese communist") by the regime to degrade their nationalist credentials. As a measure of the level of political repression, about 12,000 suspected opponents of Diem were killed in the years 1955–1957 and by the end of 1958 an estimated 40,000 political prisoners had been jailed.[79]
In May, Diem undertook a ten-day state visit to the United States. President Eisenhower pledged his continued support. A parade in New York City was held in his honor. Although Diem was openly praised, in private Secretary of State John Foster Dulles conceded that he had been selected because there were no better alternatives.[80]
Robert McNamara wrote that the new American patrons were almost completely ignorant of Vietnamese culture. They knew little of the language or long history of the country.[46] There was a tendency to assign American motives to Vietnamese actions, and Diem warned that it was an illusion to believe that blindly copying Western methods would solve Vietnamese problems.[46]
Insurgency in the South, 1956–1960
Hồ Chí Minh stated, "Do not engage in military operations; that will lead to defeat. Do not take land from a peasant. Emphasize nationalism rather than communism. Do not antagonize anyone if you can avoid it. Be selective in your violence. If an assassination is necessary, use a knife, not a rifle or grenade. It is too easy to kill innocent bystanders with guns and bombs, and accidental killing of the innocent bystanders will alienate peasants from the revolution. Once an assassination has taken place, make sure peasants know why the killing occurred." This strategy was referred to as "armed propaganda."[82]
Soon afterward, Lê Duẩn, a communist leader who had been working in the South, returned to Hanoi to accept the position of acting first secretary, effectively replacing Trường. Duẩn urged a military line and advocated increased assistance to the insurgency. Four hundred government officials were assassinated in 1957 alone, and the violence gradually increased. While the terror was originally aimed at local government officials, it soon broadened to include other symbols of the status quo, such as schoolteachers,[83][84] health workers,[85] and agricultural officials.[86] Village chiefs were Diem appointees from outside the villages and were hated by the peasantry for their corruption and abuse.)[87] According to one estimate, 20 percent of South Vietnam's village chiefs had been assassinated by the insurgents by 1958.[88] (The insurgency sought to completely destroy government control in South Vietnam's rural villages and replace it with a shadow government.[89]
In January 1959, the North's Central Committee issued a secret resolution authorizing an "armed struggle". This authorized the southern communists to begin large-scale operations against the South Vietnamese military. North Vietnam supplied troops and supplies in earnest, and the infiltration of men and weapons from the north began along the Ho Chi Minh Trail. In May, South Vietnam enacted Law 10/59, which made political violence punishable by death and property confiscation.[90]
Observing the increasing unpopularity of the Diem regime, on 12 December 1960, Hanoi authorized the creation of the National Liberation Front as a common front controlled by the communist party in the South.
Successive American administrations, as Robert McNamara and others have noted, overestimated the control that Hanoi had over the NLF.[46] Diem's paranoia, repression, and incompetence progressively angered large segments of the population of South Vietnam.[91] According to a November 1960 report by the head of the U.S. military advisory team, Lieutenant General Lionel C. McGarr, a "significant part" of the population in the south supported the communists.[92] The communists thus had a degree of popular support for their campaign to bring down Diem and reunify the country.
During John F. Kennedy's administration, 1961–1963
In June 1961, John F. Kennedy bitterly disagreed with Soviet premier Nikita Khrushchev when they met in Vienna over key U.S.-Soviet issues. The legacy of the Korean War created the idea of a limited war.
Although Kennedy stressed long-range missile parity with the Soviets, he was also interested in using special forces for counterinsurgency warfare in Third World countries threatened by communist insurgencies. Although they were originally intended for use behind front lines after a conventional invasion of Europe, Kennedy believed that the guerrilla tactics employed by special forces such as the Green Berets would be effective in a "brush fire" war in Vietnam.
The Kennedy administration remained essentially committed to the Cold War foreign policy inherited from the Truman and Eisenhower administrations. In 1961, the USA had 50,000 troops based in Korea, and Kennedy faced a three-part crisis—the failure of the Bay of Pigs Invasion, the construction of the Berlin Wall, and a negotiated settlement between the pro-Western government of Laos and the Pathet Lao communist movement[95] These made Kennedy believe that another failure on the part of the United States to gain control and stop communist expansion would fatally damage U.S. credibility with its allies and his own reputation. Kennedy determined to "draw a line in the sand" and prevent a communist victory in Vietnam, saying, "Now we have a problem making our power credible and Vietnam looks like the place", to James Reston of The New York Times immediately after meeting Khrushchev in Vienna.[96][97]
In May 1961, Vice President Lyndon B. Johnson visited Saigon and enthusiastically declared Diem the "Winston Churchill of Asia."[98] Asked why he had made the comment, Johnson replied, "Diem's the only boy we got out there."[80] Johnson assured Diem of more aid in molding a fighting force that could resist the communists.
Kennedy's policy toward South Vietnam rested on the assumption that Diem and his forces must ultimately defeat the guerrillas on their own. He was against the deployment of American combat troops and observed that "to introduce U.S. forces in large numbers there today, while it might have an initially favorable military impact, would almost certainly lead to adverse political and, in the long run, adverse military consequences."[99]
The quality of the South Vietnamese military, however, remained poor. Bad leadership, corruption, and political promotions all played a part in emasculating the Army of the Republic of Vietnam (ARVN). The frequency of guerrilla attacks rose as the insurgency gathered steam. While Hanoi's support for the NLF played a role, South Vietnamese governmental incompetence was at the core of the crisis.[100]
Kennedy advisers Maxwell Taylor and Walt Rostow recommended that U.S. troops be sent to South Vietnam disguised as flood relief workers. Kennedy rejected the idea but increased military assistance yet again. In April 1962, John Kenneth Galbraith warned Kennedy of the "danger we shall replace the French as a colonial force in the area and bleed as the French did."[101] By 1963, there were 16,000 American military personnel in South Vietnam, up from Eisenhower's 900 advisors.[102]
The Strategic Hamlet Program had been initiated in 1961. This joint U.S.-South Vietnamese program attempted to resettle the rural population into fortified camps. The aim was to isolate the population from the insurgents, provide education and health care, and strengthen the government's hold over the countryside. The Strategic Hamlets, however, were quickly infiltrated by the guerrillas. The peasants resented being uprooted from their ancestral villages. In part, this was because Colonel Pham Ngoc Thao, a Diem favourite who was instrumental in running the program, was in fact a communist agent who used his Catholicism to gain influential posts and damage the ROV from the inside.
The government refused to undertake land reform, which left farmers paying high rents to a few wealthy landlords. Corruption dogged the program and intensified opposition.
On 23 July 1962, fourteen nations, including the People's Republic of China, South Vietnam, the Soviet Union, North Vietnam and the United States, signed an agreement promising the neutrality of Laos.[103]
Coup and assassinations
- See also: Kennedy's role, 1960 South Vietnamese coup attempt, 1962 South Vietnamese Independence Palace bombing, Huế Phật Đản shootings and Xa Loi Pagoda raids
Discontent with Diem's policies exploded following the Huế Phật Đản shootings of majority Buddhists who were protesting against the ban on the Buddhist flag on Vesak, the Buddha's birthday. This resulted in mass protests against discriminatory policies that gave privileges to the Catholic Church and its adherents. Diem's elder brother Ngo Dinh Thuc was the Archbishop of Huế and aggressively blurred the separation between church and state. Thuc's anniversary celebrations shortly before Vesak had been bankrolled by the government and Vatican flags were displayed prominently. There had also been reports of Buddhist pagodas being demolished by Catholic paramilitaries throughout Diem's rule. Diem refused to make concessions to the Buddhist majority or take responsibility for the deaths. On 21 August 1963, the ARVN Special Forces of Colonel Le Quang Tung, loyal to Diem's younger brother Ngo Dinh Nhu, raided pagodas across Vietnam, causing widespread damage and destruction and leaving a death toll estimated to range into the hundreds.
U.S. officials began discussing the possibility of a regime change during the middle of 1963. The United States Department of State was generally in favor of encouraging a coup, while the Defense Department favored Diem.
Chief among the proposed changes was the removal of Diem's younger brother Nhu, who controlled the secret police and special forces was seen as the man behind the Buddhist repression and more generally the architect of the Ngo family's rule. This proposal was conveyed to the U.S. embassy in Saigon in Cable 243.
The CIA was in contact with generals planning to remove Diem. They were told that the United States would not oppose such a move nor punish the generals by cutting off aid. President Diem was overthrown and executed, along with his brother, on 2 November 1963. When he was informed, Maxwell Taylor remembered that Kennedy "rushed from the room with a look of shock and dismay on his face."[106] He had not approved Diem's murder. The U.S. ambassador to South Vietnam, Henry Cabot Lodge, invited the coup leaders to the embassy and congratulated them. Ambassador Lodge informed Kennedy that "the prospects now are for a shorter war".[107]
Following the coup, chaos ensued. Hanoi took advantage of the situation and increased its support for the guerrillas. South Vietnam entered a period of extreme political instability, as one military government toppled another in quick succession. Increasingly, each new regime was viewed as a puppet of the Americans; whatever the failings of Diem, his credentials as a nationalist (as Robert McNamara later reflected) had been impeccable.[108]
U.S military advisers were embedded at every level of the South Vietnamese armed forces. They were, however, almost completely ignorant of the political nature of the insurgency. The insurgency was a political power struggle, in which military engagements were not the main goal.[109] The Kennedy administration sought to refocus U.S. efforts on pacification and "winning over the hearts and minds" of the population. The military leadership in Washington, however, was hostile to any role for U.S. advisers other than conventional troop training.[110] General Paul Harkins, the commander of U.S. forces in South Vietnam, confidently predicted victory by Christmas 1963.[111] The CIA was less optimistic, however, warning that "the Viet Cong by and large retain de facto control of much of the countryside and have steadily increased the overall intensity of the effort".[112]
Paramilitary officers from the CIA's Special Activities Division trained and led Hmong tribesmen in Laos and into Vietnam. The indigenous forces numbered in the tens of thousands and they conducted direct action missions, led by paramilitary officers, against the Communist Pathet Lao forces and their North Vietnamese supporters.[113] The CIA also ran the Phoenix Program and participation MAC-V SOG (Studies and Observations Group), which was originally named the Special Operations Group, but was changed for cover purposes.[114]
Lyndon B. Johnson expands the war, 1963–1969
On 24 November 1963, Johnson said, "the battle against communism... must be joined... with strength and determination."[117] The pledge came at a time when Vietnam was deteriorating, especially in places like the Mekong Delta, because of the recent coup against Diem.[118]
Johnson had reversed Kennedy's disengagement policy from Vietnam in withdrawing 1,000 troops by the end of 1963 (NSAM 263 on 11 Oct.),[119] with his own NSAM 273 (26 Nov.)[120] to expand the war.
The military revolutionary council, meeting in lieu of a strong South Vietnamese leader, was made up of 12 members headed by General Duong Van Minh—whom Stanley Karnow, a journalist on the ground, later recalled as "a model of lethargy."[121] Lodge, frustrated by the end of the year, cabled home about Minh: "Will he be strong enough to get on top of things?" His regime was overthrown in January 1964 by General Nguyen Khanh.[122] However, there was persistent instability in the military as several coups—not all successful—occurred in a short space of time.
On 2 August 1964, the USS Maddox, on an intelligence mission along North Vietnam's coast, allegedly fired upon and damaged several torpedo boats that had been stalking it in the Gulf of Tonkin.[123]
A second attack was reported two days later on the USS Turner Joy and Maddox in the same area. The circumstances of the attack were murky. Lyndon Johnson commented to Undersecretary of State George Ball that "those sailors out there may have been shooting at flying fish."[124]
The second attack led to retaliatory air strikes, prompted Congress to approve the Gulf of Tonkin Resolution, and gave the president power to conduct military operations in Southeast Asia without declaring war. In the same month, Johnson pledged that he was not "... committing American boys to fighting a war that I think ought to be fought by the boys of Asia to help protect their own land."[125]
An undated NSA publication declassified in 2005, however, revealed that there was no attack on 4 August.[126] It had already been called into question long before this. "The Gulf of Tonkin incident", writes Louise Gerdes, "is an oft-cited example of the way in which Johnson misled the American people to gain support for his foreign policy in Vietnam."[127] George C. Herring argues, however, that McNamara and the Pentagon "did not knowingly lie about the alleged attacks, but they were obviously in a mood to retaliate and they seem to have selected from the evidence available to them those parts that confirmed what they wanted to believe."[128]
"From a strength of approximately 5,000 at the start of 1959 the Viet Cong's ranks grew to about 100,000 at the end of 1964...Between 1961 and 1964 the Army's strength rose from about 850,000 to nearly a million men."[109] The numbers for U.S. troops deployed to Vietnam during the same period were quite different; 2,000 in 1961, rising rapidly to 16,500 in 1964.[129]
The National Security Council recommended a three-stage escalation of the bombing of North Vietnam. On 2 March 1965, following an attack on a U.S. Marine barracks at Pleiku,[130] Operation Flaming Dart, Operation Rolling Thunder and Operation Arc Light commenced.[131] The bombing campaign, which ultimately lasted three years, was intended to force North Vietnam to cease its support for the National Front for the Liberation of South Vietnam (NLF) by threatening to destroy North Vietnam's air defenses and industrial infrastructure. As well, it was aimed at bolstering the morale of the South Vietnamese.[132] Between March 1965 and November 1968, "Rolling Thunder" deluged the north with a million tons of missiles, rockets and bombs.[133]
Bombing was not restricted to North Vietnam. Other aerial campaigns, such as Operation Commando Hunt, targeted different parts of the NLF and Vietnam People's Army (VPA) infrastructure. These included the Ho Chi Minh trail, which ran through Laos and Cambodia. The objective of forcing North Vietnam to stop its support for the NLF, however, was never reached. As one officer noted "this is a political war and it calls for discriminate killing. The best weapon... would be a knife... The worst is an airplane."[134] The Chief of Staff of the United States Air Force Curtis LeMay, however, had long advocated saturation bombing in Vietnam and wrote of the Communists that "we're going to bomb them back into the Stone Age".[135]
Escalation and ground war
After several attacks upon them, it was decided that U.S. Air Force bases needed more protection. The South Vietnamese military seemed incapable of providing security. On 8 March 1965, 3,500 United States Marines were dispatched to South Vietnam. This marked the beginning of the American ground war. U.S. public opinion overwhelmingly supported the deployment.[136]In a statement similar to that made to the French almost two decades earlier, Ho Chi Minh warned that if the Americans "want to make war for twenty years then we shall make war for twenty years. If they want to make peace, we shall make peace and invite them to afternoon tea."[137] As former First Deputy Foreign Minister Tran Quang Co has noted, the primary goal of the war was to reunify Vietnam and secure its independence. The policy of the Democratic Republic of Vietnam (DRV) was not to topple other non-communist governments in South East Asia.[138]
The Marines' assignment was defensive. The initial deployment of 3,500 in March was increased to nearly 200,000 by December.[139] The U.S. military had long been schooled in offensive warfare. Regardless of political policies, U.S. commanders were institutionally and psychologically unsuited to a defensive mission.[139] In December, Army of the Republic of Vietnam (ARVN) forces suffered heavy losses at the Battle of Bình Giã,[140] in a battle that both sides viewed as a watershed. Previously communist forces had utilized hit-and-run guerrilla tactics, however at Binh Gia they had successfully defeated a strong ARVN force in conventional warfare.[141] Tellingly, South Vietnamese forces were again defeated in June, at the Battle of Đồng Xoài.[142]
Desertion rates were increasing, and morale plummeted. General William Westmoreland informed Admiral U.S. Grant Sharp, Jr., commander of U.S. Pacific forces, that the situation was critical.[139] He said, "I am convinced that U.S. troops with their energy, mobility, and firepower can successfully take the fight to the NLF [National Front for the Liberation of South Vietnam]."[143] With this recommendation, Westmoreland was advocating an aggressive departure from America's defensive posture and the sidelining of the South Vietnamese. By ignoring ARVN units, the U.S. commitment became open-ended.[144] Westmoreland outlined a three-point plan to win the war:
- Phase 1. Commitment of U.S. (and other free world) forces necessary to halt the losing trend by the end of 1965.
- Phase 2. U.S. and allied forces mount major offensive actions to seize the initiative to destroy guerrilla and organized enemy forces. This phase would end when the enemy had been worn down, thrown on the defensive, and driven back from major populated areas.
- Phase 3. If the enemy persisted, a period of twelve to eighteen months following Phase 2 would be required for the final destruction of enemy forces remaining in remote base areas.[145]
The one-year tour of duty deprived units of experienced leadership. As one observer noted "we were not in Vietnam for 10 years, but for one year 10 times."[134] As a result, training programs were shortened.
South Vietnam was inundated with manufactured goods. As Stanley Karnow writes, "the main PX [Post Exchange], located in the Saigon suburb of Cholon, was only slightly smaller than the New York Bloomingdale's..."[149] The American buildup transformed the economy and had a profound impact on South Vietnamese society. A huge surge in corruption was witnessed.
Washington encouraged its SEATO allies to contribute troops. Australia, New Zealand, the Republic of Korea, Thailand, and the Philippines[150] all agreed to send troops. Major allies, however, notably NATO nations Canada and the United Kingdom, declined Washington's troop requests.[151] The U.S. and its allies mounted complex operations, such as operations Masher, Attleboro, Cedar Falls, and Junction City. However, the communist insurgents remained elusive and demonstrated great tactical flexibility.
Meanwhile, the political situation in South Vietnam began to stabilize with the coming to power of Prime Minister Air Marshal Nguyễn Cao Kỳ and figurehead Chief of State, General Nguyễn Văn Thiệu, in mid 1965 at the head of a military junta. This ended a series of coups that had happened more than once a year. In 1967, Thieu became president with Ky as his deputy, after rigged elections. Although they were nominally a civilian government, Ky was supposed to maintain real power through a behind-the-scenes military body. However, Thieu outmanoevred and sidelined Ky by filling the ranks with generals from his faction. Thieu was also accused of murdering Ky loyalists through contrived military accidents. Thieu, mistrustful and indecisive, remained president until 1975, having won a one-man election in 1971.[152]
The Johnson administration employed a "policy of minimum candor"[153] in its dealings with the media. Military information officers sought to manage media coverage by emphasizing stories that portrayed progress in the war. Over time, this policy damaged the public trust in official pronouncements. As the media's coverage of the war and that of the Pentagon diverged, a so-called credibility gap developed.[153]
Tet Offensive
Although the U.S. and South Vietnamese forces were initially taken aback by the scale of the urban offensive, they responded quickly and effectively, decimating the ranks of the NLF. In the former capital city of Huế, the combined NLF and NVA troops captured the Imperial Citadel and much of the city, which led to the Battle of Huế. Throughout the offensive, the American forces employed massive firepower; in Huế where the battle was the fiercest, that firepower left 80% of the city in ruins.[155] During the interim between the capture of the Citadel and end of the "Battle of Huế", the communist insurgent occupying forces massacred several thousand unarmed Huế civilians (estimates vary up to a high of 6,000). After the war, North Vietnamese officials acknowledged that the Tet Offensive had, indeed, caused grave damage to NLF forces. But the offensive had another, unintended consequence.
General Westmoreland had become the public face of the war. He was featured on the cover of Time magazine three times and was named 1965's Man of the Year.[156] Time described him as "the sinewy personification of the American fighting man... (who) directed the historic buildup, drew up the battle plans, and infused the... men under him with his own idealistic view of U.S. aims and responsibilities."[156]
In November 1967 Westmoreland spearheaded a public relations drive for the Johnson administration to bolster flagging public support.[157] In a speech before the National Press Club he said that a point in the war had been reached "where the end comes into view."[158] Thus, the public was shocked and confused when Westmoreland's predictions were trumped by Tet.[157] The American media, which had been largely supportive of U.S. efforts, rounded on the Johnson administration for what had become an increasing credibility gap. Despite its military failure, the Tet Offensive became a political victory and ended the career of President Lyndon B. Johnson, who declined to run for re-election. Johnson's approval rating slumped from 48 to 36 percent.[157]
As James Witz noted, Tet "contradicted the claims of progress... made by the Johnson administration and the military."[157] The Tet Offensive was the turning point in America's involvement in the Vietnam War. It had a profound impact on domestic support for the conflict. The offensive constituted an intelligence failure on the scale of Pearl Harbor.[150][159] Journalist Peter Arnett quoted an unnamed officer, saying of Bến Tre (laid to rubble by U.S. firepower)[160] that "it became necessary to destroy the village in order to save it" (though the authenticity of this quote is disputed).[161] According to one source, this quote was attributed to Major Booris of 9th Infantry Division.[162]
Westmoreland became Chief of Staff of the Army in March, just as all resistance was finally subdued. The move was technically a promotion. However, his position had become untenable because of the offensive and because his request for 200,000 additional troops had been leaked to the media. Westmoreland was succeeded by his deputy Creighton Abrams, a commander less inclined to public media pronouncements.[163]
On 10 May 1968, despite low expectations, peace talks began between the United States and the Democratic Republic of Vietnam. Negotiations stagnated for five months, until Johnson gave orders to halt the bombing of North Vietnam. The Democratic candidate, Vice President Hubert Humphrey, was running against Republican former vice president Richard Nixon.
As historian Robert Dallek writes, "Lyndon Johnson's escalation of the war in Vietnam divided Americans into warring camps... cost 30,000 American lives by the time he left office, (and) destroyed Johnson's presidency..."[164] His refusal to send more U.S. troops to Vietnam was seen as Johnson's admission that the war was lost.[165] It can be seen that the refusal was a tacit admission that the war could not be won by escalation, at least not at a cost acceptable to the American people.[165] As Secretary of Defense Robert McNamara noted, "the dangerous illusion of victory by the United States was therefore dead."[166]
Vietnamization, 1969–1972
Nixon Doctrine / Vietnamization
Nixon said in an announcement, "I am tonight announcing plans for the withdrawal of an additional 150,000 American troops to be completed during the spring of next year. This will bring a total reduction of 265,500 men in our armed forces in Vietnam below the level that existed when we took office 15 months ago."[167]
On 10 October 1969, Nixon ordered a squadron of 18 B-52s loaded with nuclear weapons to race to the border of Soviet airspace to convince the Soviet Union that he was capable of anything to end the Vietnam War.
Nixon also pursued negotiations. Theater commander Creighton Abrams shifted to smaller operations, aimed at communist logistics, with better use of firepower and more cooperation with the ARVN. Nixon also began to pursue détente with the Soviet Union and rapprochement with the People's Republic of China. This policy helped to decrease global tensions. Détente led to nuclear arms reduction on the part of both superpowers. But Nixon was disappointed that the PRC and the Soviet Union continued to supply the North Vietnamese with aid. In September 1969, Ho Chi Minh died at age seventy-nine.[168]
The anti-war movement was gaining strength in the United States. Nixon appealed to the "silent majority" of Americans to support the war. But revelations of the My Lai Massacre, in which a U.S. Army platoon raped and killed civilians, and the 1969 "Green Beret Affair" where eight Special Forces soldiers, including the 5th Special Forces Group Commander were arrested for the murder[169] of a suspected double agent[170] provoked national and international outrage.
The civilian cost of the war was again questioned when U.S. forces concluded operation Speedy Express with a claimed bodycount of 10,889 Communist guerillas with only 40 U.S. losses; Kevin Buckley writing in Newsweek estimated that perhaps 5,000 of the Vietnamese dead were civilians.[171]
Beginning in 1970, American troops were being taken away from border areas where much more killing took place, and instead put along the coast and interior, which is one reason why casualties in 1970 were less than half of 1969's totals.[167]
Operation Menu: the secret bombing of Cambodia and Laos
This violated a long succession of pronouncements from Washington supporting Cambodian neutrality. Richard Nixon wrote to Prince Sihanouk in April 1969 assuring him that the United States respected "the sovereignty, neutrality and territorial integrity of the Kingdom of Cambodia..."[173] In 1970, Prince Sihanouk was deposed by his pro-American prime minister Lon Nol. The country's borders were closed, while U.S. forces and ARVN launched incursions into Cambodia to attack VPA/NLF bases and buy time for South Vietnam.
The invasion of Cambodia sparked nationwide U.S. protests. Four students were killed by National Guardsmen at Kent State University during a protest in Ohio, which provoked public outrage in the United States. The reaction to the incident by the Nixon administration was seen as callous and indifferent, providing additional impetus for the anti-war movement.[174]
In 1971 the Pentagon Papers were leaked to The New York Times. The top-secret history of U.S. involvement in Vietnam, commissioned by the Department of Defense, detailed a long series of public deceptions. The Supreme Court ruled that its publication was legal.[175]
The ARVN launched Operation Lam Son 719 in February 1971, aimed at cutting the Ho Chi Minh trail in Laos.[103] The ostensibly neutral Laos had long been the scene of a secret war. After meeting resistance, ARVN forces retreated in a confused rout. They fled along roads littered with their own dead. When they ran out of fuel, soldiers abandoned their vehicles and attempted to barge their way on to American helicopters sent to evacuate the wounded. Many ARVN soldiers clung to helicopter skids in a desperate attempt to save themselves. U.S. aircraft had to destroy abandoned equipment, including tanks, to prevent them from falling into enemy hands. Half of the invading ARVN troops were either captured or killed. The operation was a fiasco and represented a clear failure of Vietnamization. As Karnow noted "the blunders were monumental... The (South Vietnamese) government's top officers had been tutored by the Americans for ten or fifteen years, many at training schools in the United States, yet they had learned little."[176]
In 1971 Australia and New Zealand withdrew their soldiers. The U.S. troop count was further reduced to 196,700, with a deadline to remove another 45,000 troops by February 1972. As peace protests spread across the United States, disillusionment and ill-discipline grew in the ranks.[177]
Vietnamization was again tested by the Easter Offensive of 1972, a massive conventional invasion of South Vietnam. The VPA and NLF quickly overran the northern provinces and in coordination with other forces attacked from Cambodia, threatening to cut the country in half. U.S. troop withdrawals continued. But American airpower came to the rescue with Operation Linebacker, and the offensive was halted. However, it became clear that without American airpower South Vietnam could not survive. The last remaining American ground troops were withdrawn in August.
1972 election and Paris Peace Accords
The war was the central issue of the 1972 presidential election. Nixon's opponent, George McGovern, campaigned on a platform of withdrawal from Vietnam. Nixon's National Security Adviser, Henry Kissinger, continued secret negotiations with North Vietnam's Lê Ðức Thọ. In October 1972, they reached an agreement.However, South Vietnamese President Thieu demanded massive changes to the peace accord. When North Vietnam went public with the agreement's details, the Nixon administration claimed that the North was attempting to embarrass the President. The negotiations became deadlocked. Hanoi demanded new changes.
To show his support for South Vietnam and force Hanoi back to the negotiating table, Nixon ordered Operation Linebacker II, a massive bombing of Hanoi and Haiphong 18–29 December 1972. The offensive destroyed much of the remaining economic and industrial capacity of North Vietnam. Simultaneously Nixon pressured Thieu to accept the terms of the agreement, threatening to conclude a bilateral peace deal and cut off American aid.
On 15 January 1973, Nixon announced the suspension of offensive action against North Vietnam. The Paris Peace Accords on "Ending the War and Restoring Peace in Vietnam" were signed on 27 January 1973, officially ending direct U.S. involvement in the Vietnam War. A cease-fire was declared across North and South Vietnam. U.S. POWs were released. The agreement guaranteed the territorial integrity of Vietnam and, like the Geneva Conference of 1954, called for national elections in the North and South. The Paris Peace Accords stipulated a sixty-day period for the total withdrawal of U.S. forces. "This article", noted Peter Church, "proved... to be the only one of the Paris Agreements which was fully carried out."[178]
Opposition to the Vietnam War: 1962–1975
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Opposition to the Vietnam War tended to unite groups opposed to U.S. anti-communism, imperialism and colonialism and, for those involved with the New Left such as the Catholic Worker Movement, capitalism itself. Others, such as Stephen Spiro opposed the war based on the theory of Just War. Some wanted to show solidarity with the people of Vietnam, such as Norman Morrison emulating the actions of Thích Quảng Đức. Some critics of U.S. withdrawal predicted that it would not contribute to peace but rather vastly increase bloodshed. These critics advocated U.S. forces remain until all threats from the Viet Cong and North Vietnamese Army had been eliminated. Advocates of U.S. withdrawal were generally known as "doves", and they called their opponents "hawks", following nomenclature dating back to the War of 1812.
High-profile opposition to the Vietnam War turned to street protests in an effort to turn U.S. political opinion. On 15 October 1969, the Vietnam Moratorium attracted millions of Americans.[179]
The fatal shooting of four anti-war protesters at Kent State University led to nation-wide university protests.[180] Riots broke out at the 1968 Democratic National Convention.[181]
After explosive news reports of American military abuses, such as the 1968 My Lai Massacre, brought new attention and support to the anti-war movement, some veterans joined Vietnam Veterans Against the War.
Anti-war protests ended with the final withdrawal of troops after the Paris Peace Accords were signed in 1973. South Vietnam was left to defend itself alone when the fighting resumed. Many South Vietnamese fled to the United States.
Exit of the Americans: 1973–1975
The United States began drastically reducing their troop support in South Vietnam during the final years of "Vietnamization". Many U.S. troops were removed from the region, and on 5 March 1971, the United States returned the 5th Special Forces Group, which was the first American unit deployed to South Vietnam, to its former base in Fort Bragg, North Carolina.[182] [A 3]Under the Paris Peace Accords, between North Vietnamese Foreign Minister Lê Ðức Thọ and U.S. Secretary of State Henry Kissinger, and reluctantly signed by South Vietnamese President Thiệu, U.S. military forces withdrew from South Vietnam and prisoners were exchanged. North Vietnam was allowed to continue supplying communist troops in the South, but only to the extent of replacing materials that were consumed. Later that year the Nobel Peace Prize was awarded to Kissinger and Thọ, but the Vietnamese negotiator declined it saying that a true peace did not yet exist.
The communist leaders had expected that the ceasefire terms would favor their side. But Saigon, bolstered by a surge of U.S. aid received just before the ceasefire went into effect, began to roll back the Vietcong.[184] The communists responded with a new strategy hammered out in a series of meetings in Hanoi in March 1973, according to the memoirs of Trần Văn Trà.[184]
As the Vietcong's top commander, Trà participated in several of these meetings.[184] With U.S. bombings suspended, work on the Ho Chi Minh Trail and other logistical structures could proceed unimpeded.[184] Logistics would be upgraded until the North was in a position to launch a massive invasion of the South, projected for the 1975–1976 dry season.[184] Trà calculated that this date would be Hanoi's last opportunity to strike before Saigon's army could be fully trained.[184]
Although McGovern himself was not elected U.S. president, the November 1972 election did return a Democratic majority to both houses of Congress under McGovern's "Come home America" campaign theme. On 15 March 1973, U.S. President Richard Nixon implied that the United States would intervene militarily if the communist side violated the ceasefire.[185] Public and congressional reaction to Nixon's trial balloon was unfavorable and in April Nixon appointed Graham Martin as U.S. ambassador to Vietnam. Martin was a second stringer compared to previous U.S. ambassadors and his appointment was an early signal that Washington had given up on Vietnam.[185] During his confirmation hearings in June 1973, Secretary of Defense James R. Schlesinger stated that he would recommend resumption of U.S. bombing in North Vietnam if North Vietnam launched a major offensive against South Vietnam. On 4 June 1973, the U.S. Senate passed the Case-Church Amendment to prohibit such intervention.[185]
The oil price shock of October 1973 caused significant damage to the South Vietnamese economy. The Vietcong resumed offensive operations when dry season began and by January 1974 it had recaptured the territory it lost during the previous dry season. After two clashes that left 55 South Vietnamese soldiers dead, President Thiệu announced on 4 January that the war had restarted and that the Paris Peace Accord was no longer in effect. There had been over 25,000 South Vietnamese casualties during the ceasefire period.[186]
Gerald Ford took over as U.S. president on 9 August 1974 after President Nixon resigned due to the Watergate scandal. At this time, Congress cut financial aid to South Vietnam from $1 billion a year to $700 million. The U.S. midterm elections in 1974 brought in a new Congress dominated by Democrats who were even more determined to confront the president on the war. Congress immediately voted in restrictions on funding and military activities to be phased in through 1975 and to culminate in a total cutoff of funding in 1976.
The success of the 1973–1974 dry season offensive inspired Trà to return to Hanoi in October 1974 and plead for a larger offensive in the next dry season. This time, Trà could travel on a drivable highway with regular fueling stops, a vast change from the days when the Ho Chi Minh Trail was a dangerous mountain trek.[187] Giáp, the North Vietnamese defense minister, was reluctant to approve Trà's plan. A larger offensive might provoke a U.S. reaction and interfere with the big push planned for 1976. Trà appealed over Giáp's head to first secretary Lê Duẩn, who approved of the operation.
Trà's plan called for a limited offensive from Cambodia into Phuoc Long Province. The strike was designed to solve local logistical problems, gauge the reaction of South Vietnamese forces, and determine whether U.S. would return to the fray.
On 13 December 1974, North Vietnamese forces attacked Route 14 in Phuoc Long Province. Phuoc Binh, the provincial capital, fell on 6 January 1975. Ford desperately asked Congress for funds to assist and re-supply the South before it was overrun. Congress refused. The fall of Phuoc Binh and the lack of an American response left the South Vietnamese elite demoralized.
The speed of this success led the Politburo to reassess its strategy. It was decided that operations in the Central Highlands would be turned over to General Văn Tiến Dũng and that Pleiku should be seized, if possible. Before he left for the South, Dũng was addressed by Lê Duẩn: "Never have we had military and political conditions so perfect or a strategic advantage as great as we have now."[188]
At the start of 1975, the South Vietnamese had three times as much artillery and twice the number of tanks and armoured cars as the opposition. They also had 1,400 aircraft and a two-to-one numerical superiority in combat troops over their Communist enemies.[189] However, the rising oil prices meant that much of this could not be used. They faced a well-organized, highly determined and well-funded North Vietnam. Much of the North's material and financial support came from the communist bloc. Within South Vietnam, there was increasing chaos. Their abandonment by the American military had compromised an economy dependent on U.S. financial support and the presence of a large number of U.S. troops. South Vietnam suffered from the global recession that followed the Arab oil embargo.
Campaign 275
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President Nguyễn Văn Thiệu, a former general, was fearful that his forces would be cut off in the north by the attacking communists; Thieu ordered a retreat. The president declared this to be a "lighten the top and keep the bottom" strategy. But in what appeared to be a repeat of Operation Lam Son 719, the withdrawal soon turned into a bloody rout. While the bulk of ARVN forces attempted to flee, isolated units fought desperately. ARVN General Phu abandoned Pleiku and Kon Tum and retreated toward the coast, in what became known as the "column of tears".
As the ARVN tried to disengage from the enemy, refugees mixed in with the line of retreat. The poor condition of roads and bridges, damaged by years of conflict and neglect, slowed Phu's column. As the North Vietnamese forces approached, panic set in. Often abandoned by the officers, the soldiers and civilians were shelled incessantly. The retreat degenerated into a desperate scramble for the coast. By 1 April the "column of tears" was all but annihilated.
On 20 March, Thieu reversed himself and ordered Huế, Vietnam's third-largest city, be held at all costs, and then changed his policy several times. Thieu's contradictory orders confused and demoralized his officer corps. As the North Vietnamese launched their attack, panic set in, and ARVN resistance withered. On 22 March, the VPA opened the siege of Huế. Civilians flooded the airport and the docks hoping for any mode of escape. Some even swam out to sea to reach boats and barges anchored offshore. In the confusion, routed ARVN soldiers fired on civilians to make way for their retreat.
On 31 March, after a three-day battle, Huế fell. As resistance in Huế collapsed, North Vietnamese rockets rained down on Da Nang and its airport. By 28 March, 35,000 VPA troops were poised to attack the suburbs. By 30 March 100,000 leaderless ARVN troops surrendered as the VPA marched victoriously through Da Nang. With the fall of the city, the defense of the Central Highlands and Northern provinces came to an end.
Final North Vietnamese offensive
On 7 April, three North Vietnamese divisions attacked Xuan Loc, 40 miles (64 km) east of Saigon. The North Vietnamese met fierce resistance at Xuan Loc from the ARVN 18th Division, who were outnumbered six to one. For two bloody weeks, severe fighting raged as the ARVN defenders made a last stand to try to block the North Vietnamese advance. By 21 April, however, the exhausted garrison were ordered to withdraw towards Saigon.
An embittered and tearful President Thieu resigned on the same day, declaring that the United States had betrayed South Vietnam. In a scathing attack, he suggested U.S. Secretary of State Henry Kissinger had tricked him into signing the Paris peace agreement two years ago, promising military aid that failed to materialise.
Having transferred power to Tran Van Huong, he left for Taiwan on 25 April. At the same time, North Vietnamese tanks had reached Bien Hoa and turned toward Saigon, brushing aside isolated ARVN units along the way.At the time of the peace agreement the United States agreed to replace equipment on a one-by-one basis.But the United States did not keep its word. Is an American's word reliable these days?...The United States did not keep its promise to help us fight for freedom and it was in the same fight that the United States lost 50,000 of its young men.[190]
By the end of April, the Army of the Republic of Vietnam had collapsed on all fronts except in the Mekong Delta. Thousand of refugees streamed southward, ahead of the main communist onslaught. On 27 April 100,000 North Vietnamese troops encircled Saigon. The city was defended by about 30,000 ARVN troops. To hasten a collapse and foment panic, the VPA shelled the airport and forced its closure. With the air exit closed, large numbers of civilians found that they had no way out.
Fall of Saigon
Schlesinger announced early in the morning of 29 April 1975 the evacuation from Saigon by helicopter of the last U.S. diplomatic, military, and civilian personnel. Frequent Wind was arguably the largest helicopter evacuation in history. It began on 29 April, in an atmosphere of desperation, as hysterical crowds of Vietnamese vied for limited space. Martin pleaded with Washington to dispatch $700 million in emergency aid to bolster the regime and help it mobilize fresh military reserves. But American public opinion had soured on this conflict.
In the United States, South Vietnam was perceived as doomed. President Gerald Ford had given a televised speech on 23 April, declaring an end to the Vietnam War and all U.S. aid. Frequent Wind continued around the clock, as North Vietnamese tanks breached defenses on the outskirts of Saigon. In the early morning hours of 30 April, the last U.S. Marines evacuated the embassy by helicopter, as civilians swamped the perimeter and poured into the grounds. Many of them had been employed by the Americans and were left to their fate.
On 30 April 1975, VPA troops overcame all resistance, quickly capturing key buildings and installations. A tank crashed through the gates of the Independence Palace, and at 11:30 a.m. local time the NLF flag was raised above it. President Duong Van Minh, who had succeeded Huong two days earlier, surrendered.
The Communists had attained their goal, but the cost of victory was high. By war's end, the Vietnamese had been fighting foreign involvement or occupation (primarily by the French, Chinese, Japanese, British, and American governments) for 116 years.[191]
Other countries' involvement
People's Republic of China
In 1950, the People's Republic of China extended diplomatic recognition to the Viet Minh's Democratic Republic of Vietnam and sent weapons, as well as military advisors led by Luo Guibo to assist the Viet Minh in its war with the French. The first draft of the 1954 Geneva Accords was negotiated by French Prime Minister Pierre Mendès France and Chinese Premier Zhou Enlai who, fearing U.S. intervention, urged the Viet Minh to accept a partition at the 17th parallel.[192]China's ability to aid the Viet Minh declined when Soviet aid to China was reduced following the end of the Korean War in 1953. Moreover, a divided Vietnam posed less of a threat to China. China provided material and technical support to the Vietnamese communists worth hundreds of millions of dollars. Chinese-supplied rice allowed North Vietnam to pull military-age men from the paddies and imposed a universal draft beginning in 1960.
In the summer of 1962, Mao Zedong agreed to supply Hanoi with 90,000 rifles and guns free of charge. Starting in 1965, China sent anti-aircraft units and engineering battalions to North Vietnam to repair the damage caused by American bombing, rebuild roads and railroads, and to perform other engineering works. This freed North Vietnamese army units for combat in the South.
Sino-Soviet relations soured after the Soviets invaded Czechoslovakia in August 1968. In October, the Chinese demanded North Vietnam cut relations with Moscow, but Hanoi refused.[193] The Chinese began to withdraw in November 1968 in preparation for a clash with the Soviets, which occurred at Zhenbao Island in March 1969. The Chinese also began financing the Khmer Rouge as a counterweight to the Vietnamese communists at this time. China's withdrawal from Vietnam was completed in July 1970.[194]
The Khmer Rouge launched ferocious raids into Vietnam in 1975–1978. Vietnam responded with an invasion that toppled the Khmer Rouge. In response, China launched a brief, punitive invasion of Vietnam in 1979.
South Korea
This was further supported when Vietcong documents captured after the Tet Offensive warned their compatriots to never engage Koreans until full victory was certain.[196][unreliable source?] Approximately 320,000 South Korean soldiers were sent to Vietnam, each serving a one year tour of duty. Maximum troop levels peaked at 50,000 in 1968, however all were withdrawn by 1973.[197] About 5,000 South Koreans were killed and 11,000 were injured during the war.
Australia and New Zealand
Australia began by sending advisors to Vietnam in 1962, and combat troops were committed in 1965. New Zealand began by sending a detachment of engineers and an artillery battery, and then started sending special forces and regular infantry. Australia's peak commitment was 7,672 combat troops and New Zealand's 552. There were more than 50,000 Australian personnel involved during the course of the war, of which 501 were killed. Most of these soldiers served in the 1st Australian Task Force in Phước Tuy Province province.
Philippines
Some 10,450 Filipino troops were dispatched to South Vietnam. They were primarily engaged in medical and other civilian pacification projects. These forces operated under the designation PHLCAG-V or Philippine Civic Action Group-Vietnam.Thailand
Thai Army formations, including the "Queen's Cobra" battalion, saw action in South Vietnam between 1965 and 1971. Thai forces saw much more action in the covert war in Laos between 1964 and 1972, though Thai regular formations there were heavily outnumbered by the irregular "volunteers" of the CIA-sponsored Police Aerial Reconnaissance Units or PARU, who carried out reconnaissance activities on the western side of the Ho Chi Minh Trail.Soviet Union
Soviet ships in the South China Sea gave vital early warnings to NLF forces in South Vietnam.[198] The Soviet intelligence ships would pick up American B-52 bombers flying from Okinawa and Guam.[198] Their airspeed and direction would be noted and then relayed to COSVN headquarters. COSVN using airspeed and direction would calculate the bombing target and tell any assets to move "perpendicularly to the attack trajectory."[198] These advance warning gave them time to move out of the way of the bombers and while the bombing runs caused extensive damage, because of the early warnings from 1968–1970 they didn't kill a single military or civilian leader in the headquarter complexes.[198]The Soviet Union supplied North Vietnam with medical supplies, arms, tanks, planes, helicopters, artillery, anti-aircraft missiles and other military equipment. Soviet crews fired USSR-made surface-to-air missiles at the B-52 bombers, which were the first raiders shot down over Hanoi. Fewer than a dozen Soviet citizens lost their lives in this conflict. Following the collapse of the Soviet Union in 1991, Russian officials acknowledged that the Soviet Union had stationed up to 3,000 troops in Vietnam during the war.[199]
Some Russian sources give more specific numbers: the hardware donated by the USSR included 2 000 tanks, 7 000 artillery guns, over 5 000 anti-aircraft guns, 158 surface-to-air rocket launchers. Over the course of the war the Soviet money donated to the Vietnamese cause was equal to 2 million dollars a day. From July 1965 to the end of 1974, fighting in Vietnam was attended by some 6,500 officers and generals, as well as more than 4,500 soldiers and sergeants of the Soviet Armed Forces. In addition, military schools and academies of the USSR began training Vietnamese soldiers – more than 10 thousand people.[200]
North Korea
As a result of a decision of the Korean Workers' Party in October 1966, in early 1967 North Korea sent a fighter squadron to North Vietnam to back up the North Vietnamese 921st and 923rd fighter squadrons defending Hanoi. They stayed through 1968, and 200 pilots were reported to have served.[201]In addition, at least two anti-aircraft artillery regiments were sent as well. North Korea also sent weapons, ammunition and two million sets of uniforms to their comrades in North Vietnam.[202] Kim Il-sung is reported to have told his pilots to "fight in the war as if the Vietnamese sky were their own".[203]
Cuba
The extent of manpower contributions to North Vietnam by the communist Republic of Cuba, under Fidel Castro, is still a matter of debate. Then and since, the communist Vietnamese and Cuban governments have not divulged any information on this matter. There are numerous reports by former U.S. prisoners of war that Cuban military personnel were present at North Vietnamese prison facilities during the war, and that they participated in torture activities, in what is known as the "Cuba Program".[204][205][206][207][208] Witnesses to this include Senator John McCain, 2008 U.S. Presidential candidate and former Vietnam prisoner of war, according to his 1999 book Faith of My Fathers.[209] That there was at least a small contingent of Cuban military advisors present in North Vietnam during the war is without question. Some, notably Vietnam War POW/MIA issue advocates, claim evidence that Cuba's military and non-military involvement may have run into the "thousands" of personnel.[210]Canada and the ICC
Republic of China (Taiwan)
Taiwan also provided military training units for the South Vietnamese diving units, later known as the Lien Doi Nguoi Nhai (LDMN) or Frogman unit in English.[214] In addition to the diving trainers there were several hundred military personnel.[214] Military commandos from Taiwan were captured by communist forces three times trying to infiltrate North Vietnam.[214]
Aftermath
Events in Southeast Asia
In response, China invaded Vietnam in 1979. The two countries fought a brief border war, known as the Third Indochina War or the Sino-Vietnamese War. From 1978 to 1979, some 450,000 ethnic Chinese left Vietnam by boat as refugees or were expelled across the land border with China.[216]
The Pathet Lao overthrew the royalist government of Laos in December 1975. They established the Lao People's Democratic Republic.[217] From 1975 to 1996, the United States resettled some 250,000 Lao refugees from Thailand, including 130,000 Hmong.[218]
More than 3 million people fled from Vietnam, Laos, and Cambodia, many as "boat people". Most Asian countries were unwilling to accept refugees.[219] Since 1975, an estimated 1.4 million refugees from Vietnam and other Southeast Asian countries have been resettled to the United States,[220] while Canada, Australia, and France resettled over 500,000.[221]
Effect on the United States
In the post-war era, Americans struggled to absorb the lessons of the military intervention.[222] As General Maxwell Taylor, one of the principal architects of the war, noted "first, we didn't know ourselves. We thought that we were going into another Korean War, but this was a different country. Secondly, we didn't know our South Vietnamese allies... And we knew less about North Vietnam. Who was Ho Chi Minh? Nobody really knew. So, until we know the enemy and know our allies and know ourselves, we'd better keep out of this kind of dirty business. It's very dangerous."[223][224]Some have suggested that "the responsibility for the ultimate failure of this policy [America's withdrawal from Vietnam] lies not with the men who fought, but with those in Congress..."[225] Alternatively, the official history of the United States Army noted that "tactics have often seemed to exist apart from larger issues, strategies, and objectives. Yet in Vietnam the Army experienced tactical success and strategic failure... The... Vietnam War('s)... legacy may be the lesson that unique historical, political, cultural, and social factors always impinge on the military... Success rests not only on military progress but on correctly analyzing the nature of the particular conflict, understanding the enemy's strategy, and assessing the strengths and weaknesses of allies. A new humility and a new sophistication may form the best parts of a complex heritage left to the Army by the long, bitter war in Vietnam."[226]
U.S. Secretary of State Henry Kissinger wrote in a secret memo to President Gerald Ford that "in terms of military tactics, we cannot help draw the conclusion that our armed forces are not suited to this kind of war. Even the Special Forces who had been designed for it could not prevail."[227] Even Secretary of Defense Robert McNamara concluded that "the achievement of a military victory by U.S. forces in Vietnam was indeed a dangerous illusion."[228]
Doubts surfaced as to the effectiveness of large-scale, sustained bombing. As Army Chief of Staff Harold Keith Johnson noted, "if anything came out of Vietnam, it was that air power couldn't do the job.[229] Even General William Westmoreland admitted that the bombing had been ineffective. As he remarked, "I still doubt that the North Vietnamese would have relented."[229]
The inability to bomb Hanoi to the bargaining table also illustrated another U.S. miscalculation. The North's leadership was composed of hardened communists who had been fighting for independence for thirty years. They had successfully defeated the French, and their tenacity as both nationalists and communists was formidable. Ho Chi Minh is quoted as saying, "You can kill ten of my men for every one I kill of yours...But even at these odds you will lose and I will win."[230]
The Vietnam War called into question the U.S. Army doctrine. Marine Corps General Victor H. Krulak heavily criticised Westmoreland's attrition strategy, calling it "wasteful of American lives... with small likelihood of a successful outcome."[229] As well, doubts surfaced about the ability of the military to train foreign forces.
Between 1965 and 1975, the United States spent $111 billion on the war ($686 billion in FY2008 dollars).[231] This resulted in a large federal budget deficit.
More than 3 million Americans served in the Vietnam War. By war's end, 58,193 soldiers were killed, more than 150,000 were wounded, and at least 21,000 were permanently disabled.[232] 61% of the men killed were age 21 or younger. Of those killed in combat, 86.3% were white, 12.5% were black and 1.2% from other races.[233] Approximately 830,000 Vietnam veterans suffered symptoms of posttraumatic stress disorder. An estimated 125,000 Americans fled to Canada to avoid the Vietnam draft,[234] and approximately 50,000 American servicemen deserted.[235] In 1977, United States President Jimmy Carter granted a full, complete and unconditional pardon to all Vietnam-era Draft dodgers.[236] The Vietnam War POW/MIA issue, concerning the fate of U.S. service personnel listed as missing in action, persisted for many years after the war's conclusion.
Chemical defoliation
One of the most controversial aspects of the U.S. military effort in Southeast Asia was the widespread use of chemical defoliants between 1961 and 1971. They were used to defoliate large parts of the countryside. These chemicals continue to change the landscape, cause diseases and birth defects, and poison the food chain.[237]Early in the American military effort it was decided that since the enemy were hiding their activities under triple-canopy jungle, a useful first step might be to defoliate certain areas. This was especially true of growth surrounding bases (both large and small) in what became known as Operation Ranch Hand. Corporations like Dow Chemical Company and Monsanto were given the task of developing herbicides for this purpose.
The defoliants, which were distributed in drums marked with color-coded bands, included the "Rainbow Herbicides"—Agent Pink, Agent Green, Agent Purple, Agent Blue, Agent White, and, most famously, Agent Orange, which included dioxin as a by-product of its manufacture. About 12 million gallons (45,000,000 L) of Agent Orange were sprayed over Southeast Asia during the American involvement. A prime area of Ranch Hand operations was in the Mekong Delta, where the U.S. Navy patrol boats were vulnerable to attack from the undergrowth at the water's edge.
In 1961 and 1962, the Kennedy administration authorized the use of chemicals to destroy rice crops. Between 1961 and 1967, the U.S. Air Force sprayed 20 million U.S. gallons (75,700,000 L) of concentrated herbicides over 6 million acres (24,000 km2) of crops and trees, affecting an estimated 13% of South Vietnam's land. In 1965, 42% of all herbicide was sprayed over food crops. Another purpose of herbicide use was to drive civilian populations into RVN-controlled areas.[238]
As of 2006, the Vietnamese government estimates that there are over 4,000,000 victims of dioxin poisoning in Vietnam, although the United States government denies any conclusive scientific links between Agent Orange and the Vietnamese victims of dioxin poisoning. In some areas of southern Vietnam dioxin levels remain at over 100 times the accepted international standard.[239]
The U.S. Veterans Administration has listed prostate cancer, respiratory cancers, multiple myeloma, Diabetes mellitus type 2, B-cell lymphomas, soft tissue sarcoma, chloracne, porphyria cutanea tarda, peripheral neuropathy, and spina bifida in children of veterans exposed to Agent Orange. Although there has been much discussion over whether the use of these defoliants constituted a violation of the laws of war, the defoliants were not considered weapons, since exposure to them did not lead to immediate death or incapacitation.
Casualties
In 1995, the Vietnamese government reported that its military forces, including the NLF, suffered 1.1 million dead and 600,000 wounded during Hanoi's conflict with the United States. Civilian deaths were put at two million in the North and South, and economic reparations were expected. Hanoi concealed the figures during the war to avoid demoralizing the population.[240] Estimates of civilian deaths caused by American bombing in Operation Rolling Thunder range from 52,000[241] to 182,000.[242] The U.S. military has estimated that between 200,000 and 250,000 South Vietnamese soldiers died in the war.[243]
Popular culture
The Vietnam War has been featured heavily in television, film, video games, and literature in the participant countries. The war also influenced a generation of musicians and songwriters in Vietnam and the United States, both anti-war and pro/anti-communist. The band Country Joe and the Fish recorded "I-Feel-Like-I'm-Fixin'-To-Die Rag" / The "Fish" Cheer in 1965, and it became one of the most influential anti-Vietnam protest anthems.Trinh Cong Son was a South Vietnamese songwriter famous for his anti-war songs.
See also
- Cambodian Civil War
- Democratic Kampuchea
- Indochina Wars
- Khmer Rouge
- Laotian Civil War
- North Vietnamese invasion of Laos
General:
Annotations
- ^ a b Due to the early presence of American troops in Vietnam the start date of the Vietnam War is a grey zone. In 1998 after a high level review by the Department of Defense (DoD) and through the efforts of Richard B. Fitzgibbon's family the start date of the Vietnam War was changed to 1 November 1955.[15] U.S. government reports currently cite 1 November 1955, as the commencement date of the “Vietnam Conflict,” for this was the day when the United States Military Assistance Advisory Group (MAAG) in Indochina (deployed to Southeast Asia under President Truman), was reorganized into country-specific units and MAAG Vietnam was established.[16] So on 1 November 1955 a Vietnamese MAAG was created.[17] Other start dates include when Hanoi authorized communists in South Vietnam to begin a low level insurgency in December 1956.[18] Where as some view 26 September 1959 when the first battle occurred between the Communist and South Vietnamese army.[19]
- ^ Also known as the Second Indochina War, Vietnam Conflict, American War in Vietnam and, in Vietnam, as War Against the Americans to Save the Nation.[14]
- ^ On 6 May 1965 the first American combat troops the, Third Marine Regiment, Third Marine Division, are sent to Vietnam to protect the Da Nang airport.[183]
Notes
- ^ Perspektivlos, German News Information Services GmbH , 08.09.2010. (German) Also published as Legion Vietnam, in: unsere Zeit, 08.10.2010.
- ^ "Vietnam War : US Troop Strength". Historycentral.com. http://www.historycentral.com/Vietnam/Troop.html. Retrieved 17 October 2009.
- ^ "FACTS ABOUT THE VIETNAM VETERANS MEMORIAL COLLECTION". nps.gov. http://www.nps.gov/mrc/reader/vvmcr.htm. (citing The first American ground combat troops landed in South Vietnam during March 1965, specifically the U.S. Third Marine Regiment, Third Marine Division, deployed to Vietnam from Okinawa to defend the Da Nang, Vietnam, airfield. During the height of U.S. military involvement, 31 December 1968, the breakdown of allied forces were as follows: 536,100 U.S. military personnel, with 30,610 U.S. military having been killed to date; 65,000 Free World Forces personnel; 820,000 South Vietnam Armed Forces (SVNAF) with 88,343 having been killed to date. At the war's end, there were approximately 2,200 U.S. missing in action (MIA) and prisoner of war (POW). Source: Harry G. Summers, Jr. Vietnam War Almanac, Facts on File Publishing, 1985. )
- ^ Larsen, Stanley Robert; Collins, James Lawton, Jr. (1975). "CHAPTER VI, The Republic of Korea". Allied Participation in Vietnam. Department of the Army (published 1985). Library of Congress Catalog Card Number 74-28217. http://www.history.army.mil/books/Vietnam/allied/ch06.htm.
- ^ "Appendix B: Timeline of Korean Involvement in Vietnam War". Center for Korean Studies, UC Berkeley. Archived from the original on 24 June 2008. http://web.archive.org/web/20080624210813/http://ieas.berkeley.edu/cks/k12/ROKTimeline.doc. Retrieved 4 October 2008.
- ^ Vietnam War 1962–72. Army History Unit, Australian Army. Archived from the original on 1 August 2008. http://web.archive.org/web/20080801100735/http://www.defence.gov.au/army/ahu/HISTORY/vietnam_war.htm. Retrieved 5 October 2008.
- ^ "VietnamWar.govt.nz, New Zealand and the Vietnam War | A site about Vietnam for all New Zealanders". Vietnamwar.govt.nz. http://www.vietnamwar.govt.nz/. Retrieved 28 April 2010.
- ^ a b c d e Aaron Ulrich (Editor); Edward FeuerHerd (Producer & Director). (2005 & 2006) (Box set, Color, Dolby, DVD-Video, Full Screen, NTSC, Dolby, Vision Software). Heart of Darkness: The Vietnam War Chronicles 1945–1975. [Documentary]. Koch Vision. Event occurs at 321 minutes. ISBN 1-4172-2920-9.
- ^ 550 Army, 369 Navy, 213 Marine Corps, 555 Air Force, 32 civilains as of 11 May 2010[update], per The Personnel Missing – Southeast Asia (PMSEA) Database from Defense Prisoner of War/Missing Personal Office (DPMO).
- ^ "Vietnam War Casualties". Vietnamgear.com. 3 April 1995. http://www.vietnamgear.com/casualties.aspx. Retrieved 17 October 2009.
- ^ Soames, John. A History of the World, Routledge, 2005.
- ^ Dunnigan, James & Nofi, Albert: Dirty Little Secrets of the Vietnam War: Military Information You're Not Supposed to Know. St. Martin's Press, 2000, p. 284. ISBN 0-312-25282-X.
- ^ Shenon, Philip (23 April 1995). "20 Years After Victory, Vietnamese Communists Ponder How to Celebrate". The New York Times. http://www.nytimes.com/1995/04/23/world/20-years-after-victory-vietnamese-communists-ponder-how-to-celebrate.html. Retrieved 21 September 2010.
- ^ "Official news source use of the name". Vietnamnews.vnagency.com.vn. 29 October 2009. http://vietnamnews.vnagency.com.vn/Social-Isssues/193440/Two-250kg-wartime-bombs-defused.html. Retrieved 28 April 2010.
- ^ DoD 1998
- ^ A. T. Lawrence, author of Crucible Vietnam: Memoir of an Infantry Lieutenant (2009 ed.). McFarland. ISBN 0786445173, p. 20.
- ^ Lawrence 2009, p. 20
- ^ a b James Olson and Randy Roberts, Where the Domino Fell: America and Vietnam, 1945–1990, p. 67 (New York: St. Martin's Press, 1991).
- ^ Origins of the Insurgency in South Vietnam, 1954–1960, The Pentagon Papers (Gravel Edition), Volume 1, Chapter 5, (Boston: Beacon Press, 1971), Section 3, pp. 314–346; International Relations Department, Mount Holyoke College.
- ^ "Vietnam War". Encyclopædia Britannica. http://www.britannica.com/EBchecked/topic/628478/Vietnam-War. Retrieved 5 March 2008. "Meanwhile, the United States, its military demoralized and its civilian electorate deeply divided, began a process of coming to terms with defeat in its longest and most controversial war"
- ^ Learn about the Vietnam War http://www.digitalhistory.uh.edu/modules/vietnam/index.cfm
- ^ Vietnam War Statistics and Facts 1 25th Aviation Batallion website.
- ^ Kolko, Gabriel Anatomy of War, pp. 457, 461 ff., ISBN 1-898876-67-3.
- ^ Vietnamwar.com archive.org record.
- ^ Moore, Harold. G and Joseph L. Galloway We Are Soldiers Still: A Journey Back to the Battlefields of Vietnam (p. 57).
- ^ "Asian-Nation: Asian American History, Demographics, & Issues:: The American / Viet Nam War". http://www.asian-nation.org/vietnam-war.shtml. Retrieved 18 August 2008. "The Viet Nam War is also called 'The American War' by the Vietnamese"
- ^ Ooi, Keat Gin. Southeast Asia: a historical encyclopedia, from Angkor Wat to East Timor. ABC-CLIO; 2004. ISBN 9781576077702. p. 520.
- ^ Rai, Lajpat. Social Science. FK Publications; ISBN 9788189611125. p. 22.
- ^ Dommen, Arthur J.. The Indochinese experience of the French and the Americans: nationalism and communism in Cambodia, Laos, and Vietnam. Indiana University Press; 2001. ISBN 9780253338549. p. 4–19.
- ^ Neale, Jonathan The American War, p. 3, ISBN 1-898876-67-3.
- ^ a b Neale, Jonathan The American War, p. 17, ISBN 1-898876-67-3.
- ^ The Việt Nam Ðộc Lập Ðồng Minh Hội had previously formed in Nanjing, China, at some point between August 1935 and early 1936 when the non-communist Vietnamese Nationalist Party (Việt Nam Quốc Dân Đảng, or Việt Quốc), led by Nguyễn Thái Học, and some members of the Indochinese Communist Party (ICP) and a number of other Vietnamese nationalist parties formed an anti-imperialist united front. This organisation soon lapsed into inactivity, only to be revived by the ICP and Ho Chi Minh in 1941. NGUYEN, Sai D. "The National Flag of Viet Nam." Quinn-Judge, Ho Chi Minh: The Missing Years, pp. 212–3.
- ^ Brocheux 2007, p. 198
- ^ Neale, Jonathan The American War, p. 18, ISBN 1-898876-67-3.
- ^ Neale, Jonathan The American War, pp. 18–19, ISBN 1-898876-67-3.
- ^ a b Kolko, Gabriel Anatomy of War, p. 36, ISBN 1-898876-67-3.
- ^ Neale, Jonathan The American War, p. 19, ISBN 1-898876-67-3.
- ^ a b c d e f g h Neale, Jonathan The American War, p. 20, ISBN 1-898876-67-3.
- ^ Kolko, Gabriel Anatomy of War, p. 37, ISBN 1-898876-67-3.
- ^ "ベトナム独立戦争参加日本人の事跡に基づく日越のあり方に関する研究". 井川 一久. Tokyo foundation. October 2005. http://nippon.zaidan.info/seikabutsu/2005/01036/pdf/0001.pdf. Retrieved 10 June 2010.
- ^ "日越関係発展の方途を探る研究 ヴェトナム独立戦争参加日本人―その実態と日越両国にとっての歴史的意味―". 井川 一久. Tokyo foundation. May 2006. http://nippon.zaidan.info/seikabutsu/2006/00197/pdf/0001.pdf. Retrieved 10 June 2010.
- ^ Neale, Jonathan The American War, p. 24, ISBN 1-898876-67-3.
- ^ Neale, Jonathan The American War, pp. 23–24 ISBN 1-898876-67-3.
- ^ Neale, Jonathan The American War, p. 24 ISBN 1-898876-67-3.
- ^ a b Neale, Jonathan The American War, p. 25 ISBN 1-898876-67-3.
- ^ a b c d McNamara, Argument Without End pp. 377–79.
- ^ Pentagon Papers, Gravel, ed, Chapter 2, 'U.S. Involvement in the Franco-Viet Minh War', p. 54.
- ^ a b Ang, Cheng Guan, The Vietnam War from the Other Side, p. 14. Routledge (2002).
- ^ a b "The History Place – Vietnam War 1945–1960". http://www.historyplace.com/unitedstates/vietnam/index-1945.html. Retrieved 11 June 2008.
- ^ Herring, George C.: America's Longest War, p. 18.
- ^ Zinn, A People's History of the United States, p. 471.
- ^ a b Vietnam The Ten Thousand Day War, Thames 1981, Michael Maclear, p. 57.
- ^ Vietnam at War: The History: 1946–1975, ISBN 978-0-19-506792-7, p. 263.
- ^ Dien Bien Phu, Air Force Magazine 87:8, August 2004.
- ^ a b Vietnam, Routledge, 1999, Spencer Tucker, ISBN 978-1-85728-922-0, p. 76.
- ^ The U.S. Navy: a history, Naval Institute Press, 1997, Nathan Miller, ISBN 978-1-55750-595-8, pp. 67–68.
- ^ The Pentagon Papers. Gravel, ed. vol. 1, pp. 391–404.
- ^ Press release by the Embassy of the Republic of Vietnam, quoted from the Washington, D.C. press and Information Service, vol l. no. 18 (22 July 1955) and no. 20 (18 August 1955), in Chapter 19 of Gettleman, Franklin and Young, Vietnam and America: A Documented History], pp. 103–105.
- ^ Jacobs, pp. 45–55.
- ^ Two Viet-nams by Bernard B. Fall. Praeger, 1964.
- ^ Vietnam Divided by B.S.N. Murti, Asian Publishing House, 1964.
- ^ Robert Turner, Vietnamese Communism: Its Origin and Development, 102 (Stanford Ca: Hoover Institution Press, 1975).
- ^ Karnow 1991, p. 238
- ^ Anatomy of a war, Gabiel Kolko, Phoenix press 1994, p. 98.
- ^ 1 Pentagon Papers (The Senator Gravel Edition), 247, 328 (Boston, Beacon Press, 1971).
- ^ John Prados, "The Numbers Game: How Many Vietnamese Fled South In 1954?", The VVA Veteran, January/February 2005. Retrieved 21 January 2007.
- ^ Christian G. Appy (2008) Vietnam: The Definitive Oral History, Told From All Sides. London, Ebury Press: 46.
- ^ Christian G. Appy (2008) Vietnam: The Definitive Oral History, Told From All Sides. London, Ebury Press: 46–7.
- ^ Kolko, Gabriel, Anatomy of a War p. 98, ISBN 1-56584-218-9.
- ^ Dwight D. Eisenhower. Mandate for Change. Garden City, New Jersey. Doubleday & Company, 1963, p. 372.
- ^ Pentagon Papers.
- ^ a b Robert K. Brigham. Battlefield Vietnam: A Brief History.
- ^ Karnow 1991, p. 224
- ^ Gerdes (ed.) Examining Issues Through Political Cartoons: The Vietnam War p. 19.
- ^ McNamara Argument Without End p. 19.
- ^ John F. Kennedy. "America's Stakes in Vietnam". Speech to the American Friends of Vietnam, June 1956.
- ^ McNamara Argument Without End pp. 200–201.
- ^ The Pentagon Papers Gravel Edition Volume 1, Chapter 5, "Origins of the Insurgency in South Vietnam, 1954–1960"].
- ^ Anatomy of a War by Gabriel Kolko, ISBN 1-56584-218-9, p. 89.
- ^ a b Karnow 1991, p. 230
- ^ Neil Sheehan (1988) A Bright Shining Lie. New York, Vintage: 184–93.
- ^ Vo Nguyen Giap, "The Political and Military Line of Our Party", in The Military Art, pp. 179–80.
- ^ Pike, Douglas (1970). "The Viet-Cong Strategy of Terror". The Vietnam Center and Archive, Texas Tech University. pp. 60, 62, 69, 71. Part 1 Part 2 (a monograph prepared for the United States Mission, Vietnam).
- ^ Thomas A. Bruscino (16 October 2006). Out of Bounds: Transnational Sanctuary in Irregular Warfare. Combat Studies Institute Press. p. 30. ISBN 9780160768460. http://books.google.com/?id=uhTiAAAACAAJ., "... Vietcong units regularly threw grenades into crowds and vehicles, fired small arms into villages at night, assassinated and kidnapped village leaders and teachers, and burned down sections of villages." (Online versions available here [1] (pdf) and here [2] (viewable, pdf, and plain text).
Human Cost of Communism in Vietnam. p. II (1972), p. 65. - ^ Pike 1970, p. 70.
- ^ Pentagon Papers Gravel, 335.
- ^ Anatomy of a War by Gabriel Kolko, ISBN 1-56584-218-9, pp. 94–95.
- ^ Pentagon Papers Gravel, 337.
- ^ See Mark Moyar, "The War Against the Viet Cong Shadow Government", in The Real Lesson of the Vietnam War (John Norton Moore and Robert Turner eds., 2002) pp. 151–67.
- ^ Excerpts from Law 10/59, 6 May 1959.
- ^ U.S. Department of Defense, U.S.-Vietnam Relations, vol. 2, p. 2.
- ^ Anatomy of a War by Gabriel Kolko, ISBN 1-56584-218-9, p. 105.
- ^ Karnow 1991, p. 264
- ^ The Avalon Project at Yale Law School. Inaugural Address of John F. Kennedy.
- ^ Karnow 1991, p. 265 – suggested that "Kennedy sidestepped Laos, whose rugged terrain was no battleground for American soldiers."
- ^ The case of John F. Kennedy and Vietnam Presidential Studies Quarterly.
- ^ Mann, Robert. A Grand Delusion, Basic Books, 2002.
- ^ Karnow 1991, p. 267
- ^ U.S. Department of Defense, U.S.-Vietnam Relations, vol. 3, pp. 1–2.
- ^ McNamara Argument Without End p. 369.
- ^ John Kenneth Galbraith. "Memorandum to President Kennedy from John Kenneth Galbraith on Vietnam, 4 April 1962." The Pentagon Papers. Gravel. ed. Boston, Massachusetts Beacon Press, 1971, vol. 2. pp. 669–671.
- ^ "Vietnam War". Swarthmore College Peace Collection. http://www.swarthmore.edu/library/peace/conscientiousobjection/OverviewVietnamWar.htm.
- ^ a b International Agreement on the Neutrality of Laos.
- ^ Neil Sheehan (1989) A Bright Shining Lie: John Paul Vann and America in Vietnam. New York, Vintage: 201–66.
- ^ Live interview by John Bartlow Martin. Was Kennedy Planning to Pull out of Vietnam? New York, New York. John F. Kennedy Library, 1964, Tape V, Reel 1.
- ^ Karnow 1991, p. 326
- ^ Karnow 1991, p. 327
- ^ McNamara Argument Without End p. 328.
- ^ a b Demma, Vincent H. "The U.S. Army in Vietnam." American Military History (1989) the official history of the United States Army. Available online.
- ^ Douglas Blaufarb. The Counterinsurgency Era. New York, New York. Free Press, 1977, p. 119.
- ^ George C. Herring. America's Longest War: The United States and Vietnam, 1950–1975. Boston, Massachusetts McGraw Hill, 1986, p. 103.
- ^ Foreign Relation of the United States, Vietnam, 1961–1963. Washington, D.C. Government Printing Office, 1991, vol. 4., p. 707.
- ^ U.S. Special Forces: A Guide to America's Special Operations Units : the World's Most Elite Fighting Force,By Samuel A. Southworth, Stephen Tanner, Published by Da Capo Press, 2002, ISBN 0-306-81165-0, 9780306811654.
- ^ Shooting at the Moon by Roger Warner – The history of CIA/IAD'S 15-year involvement in conducting the secret war in Laos, 1960–1975, and the career of CIA PMCO (paramilitary case officer) Bill Lair.
- ^ Karnow 1991, pp. 336–339 – Johnson viewed many members whom he inherited from Kennedy's cabinet with distrust because he had never penetrated their circle early in Kennedy's presidency; to Johnson's mind, such as W. Averell Harriman and Dean Acheson spoke a different language.
- ^ Shortly after the assassination of Kennedy, when McGeorge Bundy called LBJ on the phone, LBJ responded: "Goddammit, Bundy. I've told you that when I want you I'll call you." Brian VanDeMark, Into the Quagmire (New York: Oxford University Press, 1995), 13.
- ^ Vietnam: A History (New York: Penguin books, 1983), p. 339. Before a small group, including Henry Cabot Lodge, Jr., the new president also said, "We should stop playing cops and robbers [a reference to Diem's failed leadership] and get back to... winning the war... tell the generals in Saigon that Lyndon Johnson intends to stand by our word...[to] win the contest against the externally directed and supported Communist conspiracy."
- ^ Karnow 1991, p. 339 – talking about the Mekong Delta, that, "At a place called Hoa Phu, for example, the strategic hamlet built during the previous summer now looked like it had been hit by a hurricane.... Speaking through an interpreter, a local guard explained to me that a handful of Vietcong agents had entered the hamlet one night and told the peasants to tear it down and return to their native villages. The peasants complied without question."
- ^ National Security Action Memorandum NSAM 263 (11 Oct. 1963).
- ^ NSAM 273 (26 Nov. 1963).
- ^ Karnow 1991, p. 340 – who quote Minh as enjoying playing tennis more than bureaucratic work.
- ^ Karnow 1991, p. 341
- ^ Osborn 2002, pp. 84–85
- ^ Gerdes (ed.) Examining Issues Through Political Cartoons: The Vietnam War p. 26.
- ^ Palmer, Dave Richard (1978). Summons of the Trumpet: U.S.-Vietnam in Perspective. Presidio Press. p. 882. ISBN 0891415505.
- ^ Shane, Scott (31 October 2005). "Vietnam Study, Casting Doubts, Remains Secret". The New York Times. http://www.nytimes.com/2005/10/31/politics/31war.html. Retrieved 27 April 2010.
- ^ Gerdes (ed.) Examining Issues Through Political Cartoons: The Vietnam War p. 25.
- ^ George C. Herring, America's longest war: the United States and Vietnam 1950–1975 (New York: Wiley, 1979), 121.
- ^ a b The United States in Vietnam: An analysis in depth of the history of America's involvement in Vietnam by George McTurnan Kahin and John W. Lewis, Delta Books, 1967.
- ^ Simon, Dennis M. (August 2002). "The War in Vietnam,1965–1968". http://faculty.smu.edu/dsimon/Change-Viet2.html. Retrieved 7 May 2009.
- ^ Nalty 1998, pp. 97, 261.
- ^ Earl L. Tilford, Setup: What the Air Force did in Vietnam and Why. Maxwell Air Force Base AL: Air University Press, 1991, p. 89.
- ^ Karnow 1991, p. 468
- ^ a b Courtwright 2005, p. 210
- ^ Gen. Curtis E LeMay.
- ^ Generations Divide Over Military Action in Iraq. Pew Research Center. October 2002. http://web.archive.org/web/20080202203114rn_1/people-press.org/commentary/display.php3?AnalysisID=57. (archived from the original on 2 February 2008).
- ^ Ho Chi Minh. Letter to Martin Niemoeller. December 1966. quoted in Marilyn B. Young. The Vietnam Wars: 1945–1990. New York, New York. Harper, 1991, p. 172.
- ^ McNamara, Argument Without End p. 48.
- ^ a b c McNamara, Argument Without End pp. 349–51.
- ^ Mark Moyar (2006). Triumph forsaken: the Vietnam War, 1954–1965. Cambridge University Press. p. 339. ISBN 9780521869119. http://books.google.com/?id=phJrZ87RwuAC.
- ^ McNeill 1993, p. 58.
- ^ McNeill 1993, p. 94.
- ^ U.S. Department of Defense, U.S.-Vietnam Relations vol. 4, p. 7.
- ^ McNamara Argument Without End p. 353.
- ^ U.S. Department of Defense, U.S.-Vietnam Relations vol. 5, pp. 8–9.
- ^ U.S. Department of Defense, U.S.-Vietnam Relations vol. 4, pp 117–119. and vol. 5, pp. 8–12.
- ^ Public Papers of the Presidents, 1965. Washington, D.C. Government Printing Office, 1966, vol. 2, pp. 794–799.
- ^ a b McNamara Argument Without End pp. 353–354.
- ^ Karnow 1991, p. 453
- ^ a b Karnow 1991, p. 556
- ^ Peter Church. ed. A Short History of South-East Asia. Singapore, John Wiley & Sons, 2006, p. 193.
- ^ Karnow 1991, p. 706
- ^ a b Karnow 1991, p. 18
- ^ McNamara Argument Without End pp. 363–365.
- ^ Anatomy of a War by Gabriel Kolko ISBN 1-56584-218-9 pp. 308–309.
- ^ a b "The Guardians at the Gate", Time 7 January 1966, vol. 87, no.1.
- ^ a b c d Witz The Tet Offensive: Intelligence Failure in War pp. 1–2.
- ^ Larry Berman. Lyndon Johnson's War. New York, W.W. Norton, 1991, p. 116.
- ^ Harold P. Ford. CIA and the Vietnam Policymakers pp. 104–123.
- ^ Survivors Hunt Dead of Bentre, Turned to Rubble in Allied Raids nytimes.com.
- ^ "Peter Arnett: Whose Man in Baghdad?", Mona Charen, Jewish World Review, 1 April 2003.
- ^ Saving Ben Tre.
- ^ Sorely 1999, pp. 11–16.
- ^ Gerdes (ed.) Examining Issues Through Political Cartoons: The Vietnam War p. 27.
- ^ a b Command Magazine Issue 18, p. 15.
- ^ McNamara Argument Without End pp. 366–367.
- ^ a b Vietnamization: 1970 Year in Review, UPI.com.
- ^ "Ho Chi Minh Dies of Heart Attack in Hanoi". The Times: p. 1. 4 September 1969.
- ^ Jeff Stein, Murder in Wartime: The Untold Spy Story that Changed the Course of the Vietnam War. (New York: St. Martin's Press, 1992) 60–62.
- ^ Seals, Bob (2007) The "Green Beret Affair": A Brief Introduction.
- ^ Pacification's Deadly Price. self-published, quoting Newsweek¸ 19 June 1972, pp. 42–3. http://chss.montclair.edu/english/furr/Vietnam/buckley.html. Retrieved 5 October 2008.
- ^ Prince Norodom Sihanouk. "Cambodia Neutral: The Dictates of Necessity." Foreign Affairs 1958, pp. 582–583.
- ^ quoted in Ross, Russell R., ed (1987). "Nonaligned Foreign Policy". Cambodia: A Country Study. Washington: GPO for the Library of Congress. http://www.countrystudies.us/cambodia/18.htm.
- ^ Joe Angio. Nixon a Presidency Revealed. Television Documentary, The History Channel, 15 February 2007.
- ^ USA.gov (February 1997). "The Pentagon Papers Case". EJournal USA 2 (1). Archived from the original on 12 January 2008. http://web.archive.org/web/20080112095748/http://usinfo.state.gov/journals/itdhr/0297/ijde/goodsb1.htm. Retrieved 27 April 2010.
- ^ Karnow 1991, pp. 644–645
- ^ "11. The U.S. Army in Vietnam from Tet to the Final Withdrawal, 1968–1975". American Military History, Volume II, The United states Army in a Global Era, 1917–2003. United States Army Center of Military History. pp. 349–350. http://www.history.army.mil/books/AMH-V2/AMH%20V2/chapter11.htm.
- ^ Peter Church, ed. A Short History of South-East Asia. Singapore. John Wiley & Sons, 2006, pp. 193–194.
- ^ 1969: Millions march in US Vietnam Moratorium. BBC On This Day.
- ^ Bob Fink. Vietnam – A View from the Walls: a History of the Vietnam Anti-War Movement. Greenwich Publishing. http://www.greenwych.ca/vietnam.htm.
- ^ Jennings & Brewster 1998: 413.
- ^ Stanton 2003, p. 240
- ^ "Facts about the Vietnam Veterans memorial collection". NPS.gov. 2010. http://www.nps.gov/mrc/reader/vvmcr.htm. Retrieved 26 April 2010.
- ^ a b c d e f Karnow 1991, p. 672–74
- ^ a b c Karnow 1991, pp. 670–72
- ^ "This Day in History 1974: Thieu announces war has resumed". History.com. http://www.history.com/this-day-in-history.do?action=Article&id=1592. Retrieved 17 October 2009.
- ^ Karnow 1991, p. 676
- ^ Clark Dougan, David Fulgham et al., The Fall of the South. Boston: Boston Publishing Company, 1985, p. 22.
- ^ The End of the Vietnam War, 30 Years Ago by Gabriel Kolko, CounterPunch 30 April / 1 May 2005.
- ^ "BBC 21 | 1975: Vietnam's President Thieu resigns". BBC News. 21 April 1945. http://news.bbc.co.uk/onthisday/hi/dates/stories/april/21/newsid_2935000/2935347.stm. Retrieved 17 October 2009.
- ^ Tucker, Spencer C. (1999) (Google Book Search). Vietnam. University Press of Kentucky. p. 29. ISBN 0813109663. http://books.google.com/?id=WZry2NaH2_sC&pg=PA29.
- ^ Qiang Zhai, China and the Vietnam Wars, 1950–1975, pp. 54–55.
- ^ Ang, Cheng Guan, Ending the Vietnam War: The Vietnamese Communists' Perspective, p. 27.
- ^ Li 2007, p. 206
- ^ "ROK Army and Marines prove to be rock-solid fighters and allies in Vietnam War". Archived from the original on 28 September 2007. http://web.archive.org/web/20070928035417/http://www.talkingproud.us/International061406WhiteHorse.html. Retrieved 3 February 2008.
- ^ "Elite Korean Units during the Vietnam War [Archive] – Military Photos". Military Photos. http://www.militaryphotos.net/forums/archive/index.php/t-8704.html-31k-. Retrieved 17 October 2009.
- ^ Leepson 1999, p. 209.
- ^ a b c d Truong 1985, p. 168
- ^ AP (2010). "Soviet Involvement in the Vietnam War". Associated Press. historicaltextarchive.com. http://historicaltextarchive.com/sections.php?action=read&artid=180. Retrieved 27 March 2010.
- ^ (Russian): "Soviet rocketeer: After our arrival in Vietnam, American pilots refused to fly". rus.ruvr.ru. 29 January 2010. http://rus.ruvr.ru/2010/01/29/3985810.html. Retrieved 26 May 2010.
- ^ Asia Times, 18 August 2006, Richard M Bennett Missiles and madness.
- ^ Merle Pribbenow, 'The 'Ology War: technology and ideology in the defense of Hanoi, 1967' Journal of Military History 67:1 (2003) p. 183.
- ^ Gluck, Caroline (7 July 2001). "N Korea admits Vietnam war role". BBC News. http://news.bbc.co.uk/2/hi/asia-pacific/1427367.stm. Retrieved 19 October 2006.; also see "North Korea fought in Vietnam War". BBC News. 31 March 2000. http://news.bbc.co.uk/2/hi/asia-pacific/696970.stm. Retrieved 19 October 2006.; also see "North Korea honours Vietnam war dead". BBC News. 12 July 2001. http://news.bbc.co.uk/2/hi/asia-pacific/1435540.stm. Retrieved 19 October 2006.
- ^ AII POW-MIA Cuban Torture. Aiipowmia.com (8 November 1999). Retrieved on 6 August 2010.
- ^ Cuban General Lies Repeatedly About Torturing U.S. POWs. Latinamericanstudies.org (11 December 1978). Retrieved on 6 August 2010.
- ^ Former U.S. POWs detail torture by Cubans in Vietnam. Autentico.org (22 August 1999). Retrieved on 6 August 2010.
- ^ Facts of the Cuban Program. Miafacts.org. Retrieved on 6 August 2010.
- ^ Cuba Program Research Paper. Vvof.org. Retrieved on 6 August 2010.
- ^ Castro denies McCain's torture claim – World news – Americas – Focus on Cuba – msnbc.com. MSNBC (19 April 1959). Retrieved on 6 August 2010.
- ^ Testimony of Michael D. Benge before the House International Relations Committee Chaired by the Honorable Benjamin A. Gilman, 4 November 1999
- ^ Edelgard Elsbeth Mahant; Graeme S. Mount (1999). Invisible and inaudible in Washington: American policies toward Canada. UBC Press. pp. 50. ISBN 9780774807036. http://books.google.com/books?id=RNdDi0cvn3YC.
- ^ "Quiet Complicity: Canadian Involvement in the Vietnam War, by Victor Levant (1986).". The Canadian Encyclopedia. http://www.canadianencyclopedia.ca/index.cfm?PgNm=TCE&Params=A1ARTA0008367. Retrieved 15 July 2010.
- ^ "Quiet Complicity: Canadian Involvement in the Vietnam War". Review by The Manitoba Historical Society. http://www.mhs.mb.ca/docs/mb_history/16/canadainvietnamwar.shtml. Retrieved 15 July 2010.
- ^ a b c Moïse 1996, pp. 3–4
- ^ 'Killing Fields' journalist dies . BBC News. 30 March 2008.
- ^ Vietnam (03/09). U.S. Department of State.
- ^ "CIA – The World Factbook – Laos". https://www.cia.gov/library/publications/the-world-factbook/geos/la.html#history. Retrieved 11 June 2008.
- ^ Laos (04/09). U.S. Department of State.
- ^ "Migration in the Asia-Pacific Region". Stephen Castles, University of Oxford. Mark J. Miller, University of Delaware. July 2009.
- ^ Refugee Resettlement in Metropolitan America. Migration Information Source.
- ^ Robinson, William Courtland (1998). Terms of refuge: the Indochinese exodus & the international response. Zed Books. p. 127. ISBN 1856496104.
- ^ Gerdes (ed). Examining Issues Through Political Cartoons: The Vietnam War pp. 14–15.
- ^ Karnow 1991, p. 23
- ^ Taylor paraphrases Sun Tzu, The Art of War, Samuel B. Griffith, trans. Oxford, UK. Oxford University Press, 1963.
- ^ "VietnamWar.com:Vietnam War – President Richard Nixon's Role in the Vietnam War". Vietnam War. http://www.vietnamwar.com/presidentnixonsrole.htm. Retrieved 17 October 2009.
- ^ see the conclusion in Demma's "The U.S. Army in Vietnam."
- ^ "Lessons of Vietnam – Secret Memoranda to The President of the United States by Secretary of State Henry Kissinger, ca. May 12, 1975 p. 3.". http://www.ford.utexas.edu/library/exhibits/vietnam/750512a.htm. Retrieved 11 June 2008.
- ^ McNamara Argument Without End p. 368.
- ^ a b c Quoted in Bob Buzzano. "25 Years After End Of Vietnam War Myths Keep Us From Coming To Terms With Vietnam". The Baltimore Sun Times, 17 April 2000. http://www.commondreams.org/views/041700-106.htm. Retrieved 11 June 2008.
- ^ Karnow 1991, p. 17
- ^ Stephen Daggett (24 July 2008). CRS Report to Congress : Costs of Major U.S. Wars. Foreign press center, US Department of State. http://fpc.state.gov/documents/organization/108054.pdf. (Order Code RS22926, see table on page 2/5).
- ^ The War's Costs. Digital History.
- ^ Kueter, Dale (2007). Vietnam Sons: For Some, the War Never Ended. AuthorHouse. ISBN 1425969313.
- ^ "War Resisters Remain in Canada with No Regrets". ABC News. 19 November 2005. http://abcnews.go.com/WNT/story?id=1325339. Retrieved 26 February 2010.
- ^ Vietnam War Resisters in Canada Open Arms to U.S. Military Deserters. Pacific News Service. 28 June 2005.
- ^ "Proclamation 4483: Granting Pardon for Violations of the Selective Service Act". http://www.usdoj.gov/pardon/carter_proclamation.htm. Retrieved 11 June 2008. By The President Of The United States Of America, A Proclamation Granting Pardon For Violations Of The Selective Services Act, 4 August 1964 To 28 March 1973. 21 January 1977.
- ^ "Agent Orange Home". http://www1.va.gov/Agentorange/. Retrieved 11 June 2008.
- ^ Anatomy of a War by Gabriel Kolko, ISBN 1-56584-218-9 pp. 144–145.
- ^ Anthony Failoa, In Vietnam, Old Foes Take Aim at War's Toxic Legacy, Washington Post, 13 November 2006.
- ^ "Vietnam says 1.1 Million died Fighting for North". The Virginian-Pilot quoting the Ledger-Star. 4 April 1995. Archived from the original on 22 December 2007. http://web.archive.org/web/20071222122211/http://scholar.lib.vt.edu/VA-news/VA-Pilot/issues/1995/vp950404/04040331.htm.
- ^ Vietnam Democide : Estimates, Sources, Calculations in Freedom, Democracy, Peace; Power, Democide, and War, University of Hawaii.
- ^ Battlefield:Vietnam Timeline.
- ^ Vietnam War (1955–75). Encyclopædia Britannica.
References
Bibliography
Secondary sources
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- Angio, Joe. Nixon a Presidency Revealed (2007) The History Channel television documentary
- Berman, Larry. Lyndon Johnson's War: The Road to Stalemate (1991).
- Blaufarb, Douglas. The Counterinsurgency Era (1977) a history of the Kennedy Administration's involvement in South Vietnam.
- Brigham, Robert K. Battlefield Vietnam: A Brief History a PBS interactive website
- Brocheux, Pierre (2007). Ho Chi Minh: a biography. Cambridge University Press. pp. 198. ISBN 9780521850629.
- Buckley, Kevin. "Pacification’s Deadly Price", Newsweek, 19 June 1972.
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- Church, Peter ed. A Short History of South-East Asia (2006).
- Cooper, Chester L. The Lost Crusade: America in Vietnam (1970) a Washington insider's memoir of events.
- Courtwright, David T. (2005). Sky as frontier: adventure, aviation, and empire (2005 ed.). Texas A&M University Press. ISBN 1585444197.
- Demma, Vincent H. "The U.S. Army in Vietnam." American Military History (1989) the official history of the United States Army. Available online
- DoD (6 November 1998). "Name of Technical Sergeant Richard B. Fitzgibbon to be added to the Vietnam Veterans Memorial". Department of Defense (DoD). http://www.defense.gov/releases/release.aspx?releaseid=1902. Retrieved 31 March 2010.
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- Gettleman, Marvin E.; Franklin, Jane; Young, Marilyn Vietnam and America: A Documented History. (1995).
- Hammond, William. Public Affairs: The Military and the Media, 1962–1968 (1987); Public Affairs: The Military and the Media, 1068–1973 (1995). full-scale history of the war by U.S. Army; much broader than title suggests.
- Herring, George C. America's Longest War: The United States and Vietnam, 1950–1975 (4th ed 2001), most widely used short history.
- Hitchens, Christopher. The Vietnam Syndrome.
- Karnow, Stanley (1991). Vietnam: A History (1991 ed.). Viking Press. ISBN 0670842184.; popular history by a former foreign correspondent; strong on Saigon's plans.
- Kutler, Stanley ed. Encyclopedia of the Vietnam War (1996).
- Lawrence, A. T. (2009). Crucible Vietnam: Memoir of an Infantry Lieutenant (2009 ed.). McFarland. ISBN 0786445173.
- Leepson, Marc ed. Dictionary of the Vietnam War (1999) New York: Webster's New World.
- Lewy, Guenter. America in Vietnam (1978), defends U.S. actions.
- McMahon, Robert J. Major Problems in the History of the Vietnam War: Documents and Essays (1995) textbook.
- McNamara, Robert, James Blight, Robert Brigham, Thomas Biersteker, Herbert Schandler, Argument Without End: In Search of Answers to the Vietnam Tragedy, (Public Affairs, 1999).
- McNeill, Ian (1993). To Long Tan: The Australian Army and the Vietnam War 1950–1966. St Leonards: Allen & Unwin. ISBN 1863732829.
- Moise, Edwin E. Historical Dictionary of the Vietnam War (2002).
- Moïse, Edwin E. (1996). Tonkin Gulf and the escalation of the Vietnam War (1996 ed.). UNC Press. ISBN 0807823007.
- Moss, George D. Vietnam (4th ed 2002) textbook.
- Moyar, Mark. Triumph Forsaken: The Vietnam War, 1954–1965, (Cambridge University Press; 412 pages; 2006). A revisionist history that challenges the notion that U.S. involvement in Vietnam was misguided; defends the validity of the domino theory and disputes the notion that Ho Chi Minh was, at heart, a nationalist who would eventually turn against his Communist Chinese allies.
- Major General Spurgeon Neel. Medical Support of the U.S. Army in Vietnam 1965–1970 (Department of the Army 1991) official medical history; online complete text
- Nulty, Bernard.The Vietnam War (1998) New York: Barnes and Noble.
- Osborn, Terry A. (2002). The future of foreign language education in the United States (2002 ed.). Greenwood Publishing Group. ISBN 9780897897198.
- Palmer, Bruce, Jr. The Twenty-Five Year War (1984), narrative military history by a senior U.S. general.
- Schell, Jonathan. The Time of Illusion (1976).
- Schulzinger, Robert D. A Time for War: The United States and Vietnam, 1941–1975 (1997).
- Sorley, Lewis, A Better War: The Unexamined Victories and Final Tragedy of America's Last Years in Vietnam (1999), based upon still classified tape-recorded meetings of top level US commanders in Vietnam, ISBN 0-15-601309-6
- Spector, Ronald. After Tet: The Bloodiest Year in Vietnam (1992), very broad coverage of 1968.
- Stanton, Shelby L. (2003). Vietnam order of battle (2003 ed.). Stackpole Books. ISBN 0811700712.
- Summers, Harry G. On Strategy: A Critical Analysis of the Vietnam War, Presidio press (1982), ISBN 0-89141-563-7 (225 pages)
- Tucker, Spencer. ed. Encyclopedia of the Vietnam War (1998) 3 vol. reference set; also one-volume abridgement (2001).
- Witz, James J. The Tet Offensive: Intelligence Failure in War (1991).
- Young, Marilyn, B. The Vietnam Wars: 1945–1990. (1991).
- Xiaoming, Zhang. "China's 1979 War With Vietnam: A Reassessment", China Quarterly. Issue no. 184, (December 2005) "CJO – Abstract – China's 1979 War with Vietnam: A Reassessment". http://journals.cambridge.org/action/displayAbstract?fromPage=online&aid=358806. Retrieved 11 June 2008.
- Historiography
- Hall, Simon, “Scholarly Battles over the Vietnam War,” Historical Journal 52 (Sept. 2009), 813–29.
- Primary sources
- Carter, Jimmy. By The President Of The United States Of America, A Proclamation Granting Pardon For Violations Of The Selective Service Act, 4 August 1964 To 28 March 1973 (21 January 1977)
- Central Intelligence Agency. "Laos", CIA World Factbook
- Kolko, Gabriel The End of the Vietnam War, 30 Years Later
- Eisenhower, Dwight D. Mandate for Change. (1963) a presidential political memoir
- Ho, Chi Minh. "Vietnam Declaration of Independence", Selected Works. (1960–1962) selected writings
- LeMay, General Curtis E. and Kantor, MacKinlay. Mission with LeMay (1965) autobiography of controversial former Chief of Staff of the United States Air Force
- Kissinger, United States Secretary of State Henry A. "Lessons on Vietnam", (1975) secret memoranda to U.S. President Ford
- Kim A. O'Connell, ed. Primary Source Accounts of the Vietnam War (2006)
- McCain, John. Faith of My Fathers: A Family Memoir (1999) *Marshall, Kathryn. In the Combat Zone: An Oral History of American Women in Vietnam, 1966–1975 (1987)
- Martin, John Bartlow. Was Kennedy Planning to Pull out of Vietnam? (1964) oral history for the John F. Kennedy Library, tape V, reel 1.
- Myers, Thomas. Walking Point: American Narratives of Vietnam (1988)
- Public Papers of the Presidents, 1965 (1966) official documents of U.S. presidents.
- Schlesinger, Arthur M. Jr. Robert Kennedy and His Times. (1978) a first-hand account of the Kennedy administration by one of his principal advisors
- Sinhanouk, Prince Norodom. "Cambodia Neutral: The Dictates of Necessity." Foreign Affairs. (1958) describes the geopolitical situation of Cambodia
- Tang, Truong Nhu. A Vietcong Memoir (1985), revealing account by senior NLF official
- Terry, Wallace, ed. Bloods: An Oral History of the Vietnam War by Black Veterans (1984)
- Truong, Như Tảng; David Chanoff, Van Toai Doan (1985). A Vietcong memoir (1985 ed.). Harcourt Brace Jovanovich. ISBN 9780151936366.- Total pages: 350
- The landmark series Vietnam: A Television History, first broadcast in 1983, is a special presentation of the award-winning PBS history series, American Experience.
- The Pentagon Papers (Gravel ed. 5 vol 1971); combination of narrative and secret documents compiled by Pentagon. excerpts
- U.S. Department of State. Foreign Relations of the United States (multivolume collection of official secret documents) vol 1: 1964; vol 2: 1965; vol 3: 1965; vol 4: 1966;
- U.S. Department of Defense and the House Committee on Armed Services. U.S.-Vietnam Relations, 1945–1967. Washington, D.C. Department of Defense and the House Committee on Armed Services, 1971, 12 volumes.
- Vann, John Paul Quotes from Answers.com Lt. Colonel, U.S. Army, DFC, DSC, advisor to the ARVN 7th Division, early critic of the conduct of the war.