War Powers Resolution [consent of congress]

War Powers Resolution

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"War Powers Act" redirects here. For other uses, see War Powers Act of 1941.

War Powers Act

Full title	Joint resolution concerning the war powers of Congress and the President.
Enacted by the	93rd United States Congress
Citations
Public Law	Pub.L. 93-148
Stat.	87 Stat. 555
Codification
Legislative history
Introduced in the House as H.J.Res. 542 by Clement J. Zablocki (D-WI) on May 3, 1973 Committee consideration by: House Foreign Affairs Passed the House on July 18, 1973 (244–170) Passed the Senate on July 20, 1973 () Reported by the joint conference committee on October 4, 1973; agreed to by the Senate on October 10, 1973 (75–20) and by the House on October 12, 1973 (238–123) Vetoed by President Richard Nixon on October 24, 1973 Overridden by the House on November 7, 1973 (284–135) Overridden by the Senate and became law on November 7, 1973 (75–18)
Major amendments
Relevant Supreme Court cases

U.S. Congressional opposition to U.S. involvement in wars and interventions
1812 North America
House Federalists’ Address
1847 Mexican–American War
Spot Resolutions
1917 World War I
Filibuster of the Armed Ship Bill
1935–1939
Neutrality Acts
1935–1940
Ludlow Amendment
1970 Vietnam
McGovern–Hatfield Amendment
1970 Southeast Asia
Cooper–Church Amendment
1971 Vietnam
Repeal of Tonkin Gulf Resolution
1973 Southeast Asia
Case–Church Amendment
1973
War Powers Resolution
1974
Hughes–Ryan Amendment
1976 Angola
Clark Amendment
1982 Nicaragua
Boland Amendment
2007 Iraq
House Concurrent Resolution 63
v · d · e

The War Powers Resolution of 1973 (50 U.S.C. 1541-1548)^[1] is a federal law intended to check the power of the President in committing the United States to an armed conflict without the consent of Congress. The resolution was adopted in the form of a United States Congress joint resolution; this provides that the President can send U.S. armed forces into action abroad only by authorization of Congress or in case of "a national emergency created by attack upon the United States, its territories or possessions, or its armed forces."
The War Powers Resolution requires the President to notify Congress within 48 hours of committing armed forces to military action and forbids armed forces from remaining for more than 60 days, with a further 30 day withdrawal period, without an authorization of the use of military force or a declaration of war. The resolution was passed by two-thirds of Congress, overriding a presidential veto.
Despite the apparent non-ambiguity of its language, the War Powers Resolution has been regularly ignored by presidents of both parties,^[2][3] some even declaring their belief that the act is unconstitutional.^[4][5]

Contents [hide] 1 History 2 Questions regarding constitutionality 3 See also 4 Footnotes 5 References 6 External links

[edit] History

Under the United States Constitution, war powers are divided. Congress has the power to declare war, raise and support the armed forces, control the war funding (Article I, Section 8), and has "Power … to make all Laws which shall be necessary and proper for carrying into Execution … all other Powers vested by this Constitution in the Government of the United States, or in any Department or Officer thereof", while the President is commander-in-chief of the military (Article II, Section 2). It is generally agreed that the commander-in-chief role gives the President power to repel attacks against the United States and makes the President responsible for leading the armed forces.^{[citation needed]} In addition and as with all acts of the Congress, the President has the right to sign or veto congressional acts, such as a declaration of war.
During the Korean and Vietnam wars, the United States found itself involved for many years in situations of intense conflict without a declaration of war. Many members of Congress became concerned with the erosion of congressional authority to decide when the United States should become involved in a war or the use of armed forces that might lead to war. The War Powers Resolution was passed by both the House of Representatives and Senate but was vetoed by President Richard Nixon. By a two-thirds vote in each house, Congress overrode the veto and enacted the joint resolution into law on November 7, 1973.
Presidents have submitted 118 reports to Congress as a result of the War Powers Resolution, although only one (the Mayagüez incident) cited Section 4(a)(1) specifically stated that forces had been introduced into hostilities or imminent danger.
Congress invoked the War Powers Resolution in the Multinational Force in Lebanon Resolution (P.L. 98-119), which authorized the Marines to remain in Lebanon for 18 months. In addition, P.L. 102-1, authorizing the use of U.S. armed forces concerning the Iraqi aggression against Kuwait, stated that it constituted specific statutory authorization within the meaning of the War Powers Resolution.
On November 9, 1993, the House used a section of the War Powers Resolution to state that U.S. forces should be withdrawn from Somalia by March 31, 1994; Congress had already taken this action in appropriations legislation. More recently under President Clinton, war powers were at issue in former Yugoslavia; Bosnia; Kosovo; Iraq, and Haiti, and under President George W. Bush in responding to terrorist attacks against the U.S. after September 11, 2001. "[I]n 1999, President Clinton kept the bombing campaign in Kosovo going for more than two weeks after the 60-day deadline had passed. Even then, however, the Clinton legal team opined that its actions were consistent with the War Powers Resolution because Congress had approved a bill funding the operation, which they argued constituted implicit authorization. That theory was controversial because the War Powers Resolution specifically says that such funding does not constitute authorization."^[6]
After combat operations against Iraqi forces ended on February 28, 1991, the use of force to obtain Iraqi compliance with United Nations resolutions remained a war powers issue, even with the enactment of the Authorization for Use of Military Force Against Iraq (P.L. 107-243), in October 2002.^[7]
May 20, 2011, marked the 60th day of US combat in Libya (as part of the UN resolution) but the deadline arrived without President Obama seeking specific authorization from the US Congress.^[8] However since the US leadership was transferred to NATO ^[9] and since US involvement is somewhat limited, President Obama had notified Congress that no authorization was needed. ^[10] On Friday, June 3, 2011, the US House of Representatives had voted to rebuke President Obama for maintaining an American presence in the NATO operations in Libya, which would be a violation of the War Powers Resolution.^[11][12]

[edit] Questions regarding constitutionality

See also: Separation of powers under the United States Constitution

The War Powers Resolution has been controversial since it became law.^[13] In passing the resolution, Congress specifically cites the Necessary and Proper Clause for its authority.^[14] Under the Necessary and Proper Clause, it is specifically provided that the Congress shall have the power to make all laws necessary and proper for carrying into execution, not only its own powers but also all other powers vested by the Constitution in the Government of the United States, or in any department or officer thereof.
Because it limits the President's authority in the use of force without an official resolution or declaration of war by Congress, there is controversy as to whether the provisions of the resolution are consistent with the Constitution. Presidents have therefore drafted reports to Congress required of the President to state that they are "consistent with" the War Powers Resolution rather than "pursuant to" so as to take into account the presidential position that the Resolution is unconstitutional.
One argument for the unconstitutionality of the War Powers Resolution by Philip Bobbitt^[15] argues "The power to make war is not an enumerated power" and the notion that to "declare" war is to "commence" war is a "contemporary textual preconception". Bobbitt contends that the Framers of the Constitution believed that statutory authorization was the route by which the United States would be committed to war, and that 'declaration' was meant for only total wars, as shown by the history of the Quasi-War with France (1798–1800). In general, constitutional powers are not so much separated as "linked and sequenced"; Congress's control over the armed forces is "structured" by appropriation, while the President commands; thus the act of declaring war should not be fetishized. Bobbitt also argues that "A democracy cannot ... tolerate secret policies" because they undermine the legitimacy of governmental action.
A second constitutionality argument concerns a possible breach of the 'separation of powers' doctrine, and whether this Resolution changes the balance between the Legislative and Executive functions. This type of constitutional controversy is similar to one that occurred under President Andrew Johnson with the Tenure of Office Act (1867). In that prior instance, the Congress passed a law (over the veto of the then-President) that required the President to secure Congressional approval for the removal of Cabinet members and other executive branch officers. The Act was not declared unconstitutional by the Supreme Court of the United States until 1926^[16] ; therefore, when the Act was violated by Johnson, the House of Representatives impeached him; action in the Senate to remove him failed by one vote.
Here, the separation of powers issue is whether the War Powers Resolution requirements for Congressional approval and presidential reporting to Congress change the constitutional balance established in Articles I and II, namely that Congress is explicitly granted the sole authority to declare war, "make Rules for the Government and Regulation of the land and naval Forces" (Article 1, Section 8), and to control the funding of those same forces, while the Executive allegedly has inherent authority as Commander in Chief. This argument does not address the other reporting requirements imposed on other executive officials and agencies by other statutes, nor does it address the provisions of Article I, Section 8 that explicitly gives Congress the authority to "make Rules for the Government and Regulation of the land and naval Forces."
The constitution specifically states that Congress is authorized "to provide and maintain a Navy" (Article 1 Section 8). The idea of "maintenance" of a Navy implies that Naval Forces would be a permanent fixture of national defense. There is no provision in the Constitution for the maintenance of a standing Army. Provisions are made for Congress to "raise and support" land forces. "Raise" implies that the forces must be formed, or not currently in existence. The founders' strategy for national defense was based upon a bottom-up approach (armed citizenry organized into local militia) which could be federalized according to law, as prescribed in the Militia Acts of 1792. In modern circumstances the availability of a standing Army, and the President of the United States being authorized as "Commander in Chief," implies his ability as a military commander to employ forces necessary to fulfill his oath to defend the constitution.
There is also an unresolved legal question, discussed by Justice White in INS v. Chadha of whether a "key provision of the War Powers Resolution", namely 50 U.S.C. 1544(c), constitutes an improper legislative veto. (See Chadha, 462 U.S. 919, 971.) That section 1544(c) states "such forces shall be removed by the President if the Congress so directs by concurrent resolution". Justice White argues in his dissent in Chadha that, under the Chadha ruling, 1544(c) would be a violation of the Presentment Clause. The majority in Chadha does not resolve the issue. Justice White does not address or evaluate in his dissent whether that section would fall within the inherent Congressional authority under Article I Section 8 to "make Rules for the Government and Regulation of the land and naval Forces."

[edit] See also

• War Powers Clause (of the Constitution)

[edit] Footnotes

1. ^ Full text of the War Powers Resolution (50 U.S.C 1541–1548)
2. ^ Feldman, Noah (February 4, 2007). "Whose War Powers?". The New York Times.
3. ^ Feldman, Noah (January 8, 2006). "Our Presidential Era: Who Can Check the President?". The New York Times.
4. ^ http://www.newsweek.com/2008/07/11/wrestling-over-war-powers.html
5. ^ Rumsfeld, Donald, Known and Unknown: A Memoir, Penguin, 2011. Cf. especially Chapter 1.
6. ^ Savage, Charlie (2011-04-01) Clock Ticking on War Powers Resolution, New York Times
7. ^ 107th Congress (10 October 2002). "Authorization for Use of Military Force Against Iraq Resolution of 2002" (text). United States Government Printing Office. Retrieved 2008-12-08.
8. ^ Libya War Deadline Arrives
9. ^ "Libya: Nato assumes control of military operation". BBC News. March 27, 2011.
10. ^ [1]
11. ^ [2]
12. ^ Steinhauer, Jennifer (June 3, 2011). "House Rebukes Obama for Continuing Libyan Mission Without Its Consent". The New York Times.
13. ^ "The war powers resolution". US Department of State Bulletin. 1988-09-15. Retrieved 2008-07-09. "The War Powers Resolution has been controversial from the day it was adopted over President Nixon's veto. Since 1973, executive officials and many Members of Congress have criticized various aspects of the resolution repeatedly."
14. ^ War Powers Joint Resolution, §2(b)
15. ^ "War Powers: An Essay on John Hart Ely's War and Responsibility: Constitutional Lessons of Vietnam and Its Aftermath," Michigan Law Quarterly 92, no. 6 (May 1994): 1364–1400
16. ^ "Myers v. United States, 272 U. S. 52 (1926)".

[edit] References

• Grimmett, Richard Z. (February 14, 2006). "CRS Report for Congress: War Powers Resolution: Presidential Compliance" (PDF). Federation of American Scientists. Retrieved 2007-09-30.
• United States Congress (November 7, 1973). "War Powers Act of 1973 (Public Law 93-148)". The Center for Regulatory Effectiveness. Retrieved 2007-09-30.
• United States Congress (October 31, 1998). "H.R.4655: Iraq Liberation Act of 1998 (Public Law 105-338)". IraqWatch.org. Retrieved 2007-09-30.
• United States Congress (September 18, 2001). "Public Law 107-40: Joint Resolution: To authorize the use of United States Armed Forces against those responsible for the recent attacks launched against the United States (S.J. Res. 23)" (text). United States Government Printing Office. Retrieved 2007-09-30.
• United States Congress (October 16, 2002). "Public Law 107-243: Authorization for the Use of Military Force Against Iraq Resolution of 2002 (H. J. Res. 114)" (text). United States Government Printing Office. Retrieved 2007-09-30.
• Kinkopf, Neil. "The Congress as Surge Protector" (PDF). American Constitution Society for Law and Policy. p. 2. Retrieved 2007-09-30. "The Supreme Court has been clear and unambiguous. When Congress, acting in the vast areas of overlapping power, tells the President 'no', the President must comply."
• Doumar, Robert G. (January 8, 2003). "Hamdi v. Rumsfeld Appeal from the United States District Court for the Eastern District of Virginia, at Norfolk (CA-02-439-2)" (PDF). USCourts.gov. United States Judiciary. Retrieved 2007-09-30.

[edit] External links

Wikisource has original text related to this article: War Powers Resolution

• Avalon Project - War Powers Resolution
• The War Powers Resolution: After Twenty-Eight Years Nov. 15, 2001 PDF
• War Powers Resolution: Presidential Compliance Sep. 11, 2001 HTML
• War Powers Resolution: Presidential Compliance Jan. 8, 2002 PDF
• War Powers Resolution : Presidential Compliance Mar. 16, 2004 PDF
• War Powers Resolution: Presidential Compliance Nov. 15, 2004 PDF
• The War Powers Resolution: After Thirty Years

Categories: Congressional opposition to the Vietnam War | United States federal defense and national security legislation | 1973 in law